한국 민주주의와 인권외교 : 버마군사정부에 대한 외교적 제재의 타당성

필자는 이 글을 작성하는 과정에서 성공회대에서 인권관련 강의를 수강하고 있는 버마인 Maung Zaw씨와, 버마 NLD 한국지부의 Nay Tun Naing씨로부터 많은 도움을 받았다. 그러나 이 글이 안고 있는 문제점은 모두 필자의 책임이다.

박은홍(성공회대 아시아NGO정보센터 부소장, 정치학)

1. 한국 민주주의가 요구하는 인권외교

한국 민주주의가 공고화 단계로 나아가기 위해서는 해결해야 할 과제가 산적하다. 외교분야의 민주화 역시 여러 과제 중의 하나일 것이다.

주지하다시피 민주주의로의 이행 즉, 민주화는 과거 거리의 투쟁을 주도하던 ‘모범적 행위자’들이 국가기구 안으로 진입하게 되는 중요한 전환점이 된다. 이러한 맥락에서 민주화는 ‘운동의 국가화’이자 그 부수효과로서의 개혁의 과정이다. 그러나 이렇듯 민주화가 시민사회로부터 국가영역으로의 엘리트 충원을 수반함에도 불구하고 국가기구 내에서의 ‘관료적 관성’을 쇄신하기란 쉽지 않다. 이때 관료적 관성에는 변화를 거부하며 옛 제도에 익숙해있는 관료엘리트들의 사보타지도 포함된다. 때문에 ‘운동의 국가화’ 과정에서 시민사회로부터 충원된 엘리트들이 관료엘리트들의 사보타지에 굴복할 경우 ‘운동의 국가화’는 관료화의 또다른 경로가 된다.

외교적 사안에 집중해서 볼 때 민주화란 과거 권위주의하에서 국가의 배타적 영역이었던 외교정책 결정과정에 새로이 충원된 엘리트들을 통해서거나 좀 더 구조적 구조적 수준에서 시민사회의 목소리가 반영되는 과정이기도 하다. 그 결과 탈권위주의적이고 개방적인 민주주의하에서 외교정책은 사회적 투입요소의 역할을 증대시키고 외교수단의 다변화를 기할 수 있다. 또한 외교적 자원의 가용성이 확대되고 창의적 제안이나 정보의 다양화를 통한 인적 자원의 활용가능성이 더욱 커진다. 심지어는 정치적 반대세력도 적극적인 외교자원으로 활용될 수 있다.

오기평, 『한국외교론』, (오름: 1994), 28쪽.

즉, 민주주의하에서 외교분야 역시 더 이상 국가관료의 독점 영역이 아니다. 특히 민주화 이후 민주주의 하에서 이루어지는 ‘운동의 국가화’는 외교정책 결정과정의 개방화를 수반한다. 민주주의하에서 외교정책결정 과정에 미치는 정치사회와 시민사회의 영향력은 단기적으로는 정책집행의 효율성을 떨어뜨릴지 몰라도 중장기적으로는 현실주의적 국익개념과 일치될 수 있다. 이것이 바로 민주주의의 마술이다.

그럼에도 불구하고 한국의 경우 이른바 ‘문민정부’, ‘국민의 정부’는 물론이고 ‘참여정부’ 시기에 와서도 외교분야에서의 변화는 매우 점진적이다.  대표적인 예로 지난 해 5월 30일 민족민주동맹(NLD)의 지도자 아웅산 수지와 그녀의 지지자들에 대한 정체모를 폭도들의 기습으로 수백명의 사상자가 발생함에 따라 미국, 유럽연합(EU) 등 국제사회가 강도 높은 비난 성명과 외교적 제재를 결정했을  때도 한국 외교부는 온건한 수준의 유감만을 표명했다. 최근 이라크 파병문제에서도 현 정부는 수직적 한-미관계의 역학에 따른 파병결정을 반(反) 테러리즘 외교로 포장하면서 파병반대를 외치는 시민사회와 일부 정치사회의 목소리를 외교적 자원으로 활용하기는커녕 무시하였다. 그 결과 노무현정부는 필리핀의 아로요정부보다도 인권의식이 취약함을 국제사회에 드러냈다.

이와 관련하여 2003년 6월 4일 외교통상부에서 발표한 내용은 다음과 같다. “The Government of the Republic of Korea ( ROK )is concerned about the custody of Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the National League for Democracy ( NLD )and the members of her political party, as well as the closing down of the NLD headquarters. The ROK Government hope for an immediate release of Aung San Suu Kyi and her senior party officials, as well as for an early normalization of NLD activities. The ROK Government also wishes that the recent incident will not effect the talks between the Myanmar government and the NLD, so that they will lead to Myanmar's peaceful and smooth transition to democracy.”

결국 한 나라의 외교노선이 그 나라의 정체성과 민주주의 수준을 반영함에도 불구하고 민주화 이후 민주주의 하에서의 한국 외교는 여전히 보수적 색채가 짙다. 그 결과 시민사회가 만들어낸 한국 민주주의 상대적 역량이 대외정책으로 외화되지 못하고 관료화의 위기 가능성을 안고 있다. 관료화의 위기는 정당성의 위기로 이어질 수 있다.

무엇보다 버마문제는 한국정부가 인권외교의 초석을 마련할 수 있는 매우 적절한 사안이다. 그 이유는 첫째, 버마의 인권문제, 민주주의문제는 오래된 국제사회의 주요 의제이다. 따라서 버마문제에 대한 한국의 외교노선의 변화는 국제사회에 한국정부가 보편적인 인권 개념에 충실한 정부임을 각인시킬 수 있으며 그 결과로서 한반도평화문제에 대한 국제사회의 지지를 보다 용이하게 이끌어낼 수 있다. 둘째, 탈냉전과 함께 미국은 일방주의적 인권외교를 몰아붙이기 시작하였다. ‘인권’과 ‘민주주의’의 이름으로 UN을 무시하면서까지 이라크를 무력으로 점령한 미국의 일방주의는 그 극단적 예이다. 최근 미 하원에서 통과된 북한인권법 역시 한반도의 평화 정착을 방해할 수 있는 일방주의의 지렛대가 될 수 있다. 반면 미국은 버마에 대해서는 UN과 보조를 같이 하면서 일방주의와 다소 거리가 있는 인권외교를 보여주고 있다. 이러한 맥락에서 한국정부는 미국의 버마 제재에 동참하면서 미국의 합리적 인권외교에 대해서는 동참할 수 있지만 일방주의적 인권외교에 대해서는 거부한다는 한국 나름대로의 보편적 인권외교의 메시지를 미국정부에 전달하면서 한반도 평화문제 해결의 주도권을 확보할 수 있다. 이는 ‘인권’이라는 이름하에 미국의 일방주의가 한반도의 평화정착을 깰 수 있는 가능성을 예방하는 하나의 길이기도 하다. 마지막으로 버마문제를 매개로 한 미국 인권외교에 대한 선별적 협력은 미국의존적 한국의 보수적 시민사회의 현상유지적 압력으로부터 보다 자유로워질 수 있음과 동시에 주요 지지층이었던 진보적 시민사회에 대한 책임성을 회복하면서 외교의 국내적 지지기반을 확대할 수 있다.

이 글에서는 미얀마라는 국명 대신 이 나라 민주화세력들이 고수하고 있는 버마라는 국명을 사용할 것이다.

이러한 문제의식 하에서 이 글은 버마에서의 국가폭력의 제도화 과정과 주요 정치적 쟁점, 버마문제에 대한 한국을 포함한 국제사회의 대응, 마지막으로 한국 민주주의의 과제에 대해서 검토하겠다.

2. 국가폭력과 민주주의의 실종

버마에서 자행되고 있는 인권탄압문제과 민주주의 유린문제가 국제사회에 의제가 된 것은 어제 오늘의 일이 아니다. 아래 <표 1>에서 볼 수 있듯이 1990년 버마 총선에서 아웅산 수지의 민족민주동맹(이하 NLD)을 비롯한 반군부세력은 압도적인 승리을 거두었음에도 불구하고 이러한 최소한의 절차적 민주주의 결과조차 거부한 군부세력에 의해 억압받고 있다. 그리고 지금까지 국가권력에 위한 민간인학살의 직, 간접적인 피해자가 되고 있다.

<표 1> 1990년 5월 총선결과

정당	유효득표율	의석수
민족민주동맹(NLD)	80.8	392
샨민족민주동맹(SNLD)	4.1	23
아라칸민주동맹(ALD)	2.2	11
국민통합당(NUP)	2.0	10
몬민족민주전산(MNDF)	1.0	5
인권민족민주당(NDPHR)	0.8	4
친민족민주동맹(CNLD)	0.6	3
민족민주당(ND)	0.6	3
연합파오민족조직(UPNO)	0.6	3
카친민주민족회의	0.6	3
기타	12.8	28
계	≒100	485

참고) 고딕부분이 군부정당의 선거결과.

출처) EIU Country Profile 1996-7: Myanmar, 5.

이미 버마 군부는 1988년 8월 8일의 민중항쟁, 이른바 8888 민중항쟁 시기에 민주화 시위 참가자 중 수천 명의 민간인을 학살하였다. 그리고 1990년 5월 총선에서 패배한 뒤인 같은 해 9월에도 군부는 총선을 석권한 NLD 지도자 아웅산 수지의 가택연금을 풀지 않았을 뿐만 아니라 간첩 혐의로 40-50명의 NLD 지도자들을 체포하였다. 이 와중에서 군부의 탄압을 피해 약 1만명의 반정부학생들과 28명의 국회의원 당선자들이 타이와 인도로 피신하였다. 물론 1990년 5월 27일 총선까지도 버마 군부는 계엄령을 유지한 채 4인 이상의 옥외집회를 금지시켰고 대표적인 정치 지도자 아웅산 수지를 가택연금 상태에서 풀어주지 않았다. 이러한 조치는 이미 버마 군부가 ‘위로부터의 민주화’를 추진하려는 의지조차 없음을 암시하였다.

버마 군부는 8888 민중항쟁 직후 군사평의회에 해당하는 국가법질서회복위원회(SLROC)를 출범시키고 과거 사회주의 노선을 폐기하는 차원에서 유일 정당의 명칭 버마사회주의계획당(BSPP)을 국가통합당(NUP)으로 바꾸었다. 그리고 1990년 5월 총선을 수용하였다. 이 선거를 앞두고 버마군부의 국가통합당(NUP)은 계엄령하에 치루어지는 선거이기에 무난히 승리할 수 있을 것이라고 기대했지만 2%의 의석만을 차지하는 참패로 끝났다. 그러자 군부는 선거참패를 81%의 의석을 차지한 아웅산 수지의 NLD에게 정권 인계를 거부하는 수순으로서 NLD의 당대회나 대중집회를 금지시켰다. 군사평의회 국가법질서회복위원회(이하 SLROC)는 총선 결과조차 공식적으로 발표하지 않았다. 대신 이들은  1990년 7월 27일 21개항의 ‘1990년 제1호 선언(SLROC Declaration no.1. 1/90)을 발표하였다. 그 핵심은 5월 총선에 당선된 국회의원의 임무는 새로운 헌법제정에 한정되며 안정된 신헌법이 제정되어 그 헌법에 의거한 새 정부가 들어설 때까지는 계엄령에 의해 통치하는 군사평의회 SLROC이 계속해서 입법, 사법, 행정의 권한을 장악한다는 것이다.

요컨대 당시 SLROC이 가지고 있었던 과도통치 종식을 위한 향후 정치일정 시나리오는 ①국가회의에 의한 신헌법 기본요강 결정, ②1990년 총선 당선자들로 구성될 입법부에 의한 신헌법 제정, ③국민투표, ④SLROC의 최종승인, ⑤신헌법에 의한 신정부수립 순으로 진행되는 것이었다.

양길현, “버마의 장외 정당정치,” 윤진표 외, 『동남아의 정당정치』, (서울: 오름), 2001, 338.

1992년 4월 군부는 6개월 이내에 새헌법 기초를 위한 국가회의(National Convention)를 조직할 것이라고 공표하였다. 그리고 국가회의 발기위원회는 군사평의회 출신 14명, 여타 정당 출신 28명으로 구성될 것이며 의장은 랭군 사령관 Myo Nyunt가 맡게 될 것이라고 하였다.  실제 군부는 이 일정에 의거하여 1993년 1월 9일 제정당, 5월 총선 당선자, 소수종족, 농민, 노동자, 공무원, 지식인 등 각 그룹에서 SLROC이 선정한 대표자 702명으로 국가회의를 구성하였다. 군부가 국회 대신 국가회의라는 별도의 헌법제정기구를 마련한 데에는 신헌법제정에서 버마 군의 지도적 역할 조항을 넣음으로써 항구적으로 군의 정치개입을 가능하게 하는 법적 장치를 마련하고자 하는데 있었다. 따라서 이러한 시나리오가 군부로서 민주화세력과협상할 의사가 없음을 보여주는 정치적 패키지임은 명약관화하였다.

군의 지도적 역할의 골자로는 행정, 입법부에 군부대표의 일정 지분(25%)을 보장하는 것, 군총사령관에게 긴급조치권을 부여하는 것, 3인의 부통령 중 1인은 군 대표가 맡도록 하는 것, 국방예산에 대한 국회의 통제를 배제하는 것, 국방장관은 군인이 맡는 것 등이었다. 양길현, 앞의 글, 339.

1993년 4월에 국회의원 당선자로서 국가회의에 참석하였던 한 인사가 타이로 망명을 한 뒤 군부가 국가회의 참여자들에게 자신들의 의견을 강요하고 있다고 비난하였다. 여기에다가 소수종족 대표자들이 국가회의에서 논의되고 있는 정치구조가 지나치게 중앙집중적이라고 반대하고 나서자 군부는 국가회의를 휴회하였다

여기에다가 같은 해 6월 국가회의 의장 Myo Nyunt는 새헌법 역시 군이 정치에서 지도적 역할을 하는 것을 보장해야 함을 강조하였다. 그 뒤 군부는 국가회의를 비난하였다는 이유로 1993년 10월에 12명의 정치적 반대자들을 구속하였고, 다음해에 NLD 국회의의원 당선자 Aung Khin Sint에게 20년형 선고가 내려지도록 하였다. 1994년 초 많은 국회의원 당선자들의 반대에도 불구하고 국가회의는 대통령제를 결의하고 대통령의 자격 조건으로서 20년 이상 국내에 거주하고 있었던 자, 정치․군사․행정․경제 등 다양한 분야를 경험한 자, 배우자나 2세가 외국의 시민권을 갖고 있지 아니한 자 등을 규정하였다. 이러한 요건은 다분히 정치적 반대세력의 지도자 아웅산 수지를 대통령 후보에서 제외시키기 위해 만들어진 것이었다.

이어서 또다른 국회의원 당선자 Daniel Aung이 정치적 망명을 한 이후 군부가 국가회의에서의 자율적인 행동을 억압하고 있다고 토로하였다. 1994년 9월 국가회의는 의석의 3분의 1을 군부에 할애한다는 안을 승인하였다. 1995년 군부는 국가회의 구성원 중 NLD 대표자들을 모두 추방하였다. 1996년 군사평의회는 국민들을 국가회의의 기능을 방해하는 정치적 망명객들로부터 보호한다는 명분하에 ‘정치적 반대와 소요로부터 국가운영의 평화적이고 체계적인 이양과 국가회의의 성공적인 과업수행을 위한 법’(No. 5/96)이라는 매우 긴 법령을 공표하고 국가회의를 비하하는 모든 언동을 불법으로 규정하였다.

이에 앞서 1995년 11월 NLD는 주어진 정치적 개방국면을 이용하여 1990년 5월 총선 당선자 가운데 15%가량만이 참여하고 있는 국가회의야말로 비민주성과 군부에 대한 예속을 보여주고 있기 때문에 국가회의로부터의 탈퇴할 것이며 국가회의는 보류되어야 함을 주장한 바 있었다. 그리고 군부의 지도적 역할을 강조하는 국가회의 주도의 신헌법안을 거부하면서 향후 NLD가 독자적으로 신헌법 초안을 마련해나갈 것이라고 공표하였다. 결국 이러한 NLD의 대결노선은 1990년 5월 총선압승 6주년을 기념하는 NLD 전당대회를 전후하여  야당인사 258명이 체포, 구금되는 결과를 낳았다. 이어 7월에는 ‘공공질서파괴활동법’을 제정하여 사실상 반정부 발언이나 집회를 금지하였다. 그리고 이를 위반하는 단체는 해산조치와 함께 자산을 압수하고, 개인은 5-20년의 징역에 처한다는 규정을 명문화하였다.

또한 버마 군부는 정보통제를 위해 두 가지 조치를 취했다. 첫째로, 1996년 7월 31일 ‘TV와 비디오 법령(TV and Video Act)’을 제정하였는데, 이는 전 지역에서 만들어지는 TV와 비디오, 그리고 외국으로부터의 수입 비디오들, 외교사절단에 의해서 공적으로 보여지는 것들을 포함해서 이에 대한 등록과 검열을 요구하는 법이었다. 둘째로, 같은 해 9월 27일 ‘컴퓨터 과학개발법(Computer Science Development Law)’을 제정하였는데 이는 모든 컴퓨터와 모뎀에 대해 등록과 승인, 허가를 필요로 하는 법이다. 이 법에 따르면 팩스기기와 모뎀을 허가받지 않고 소지할 경우 최고 15년 형에 처해진다. 군부의 이러한 법령 발효는 NLD를 지원하는 국외에서 활동 중인 반정부세력들과 국제사회의 인권단체들간의 정보소통을 완전히 차단하기 위함이었다.

권은희, “아웅산 수지의 민주주의관과 민주화전략,” 서강대 공공정책대학원 석사학위논문, 1999, 100.

이러한 전제적 폭압을 피해 버마 밖에서는 1990년 총선에서 당선되었던 국회의원들과 반군부 정치인들을 중심으로 망명정부인 버마연방정부(National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma)와 망명의회인 버마연방국민협의회(National Council of the Union of Burma)가 각각 조직되었다.

1990년 12월 NLD의 일부가 타이 국경으로 도피하여 소수종족, 학생조직과 함께 아웅산     장군의 조카인 세인 윈 박사를 수상으로 하여 결성된 것이 망명정부 버마연방정부        (NCGUB)이다. 버마연방정부(NCGUB)의 목표는 간명하다. 첫째, 군사통치 종식, 둘째,    민주주의의 구축, 셋째, 버마연방정부 구축.

그러나 군부가 1990년 총선결과 수용 요구를 무시하고 국가회의를 통해 일방적으로 정국을 주도해나가자 NLD는 1998년 9월 16일 이른바 비합법 정통국회에 해당하는 국민의회대표자회의(CRPP)를 1990년 총선에서 당선된 민주진영 의원 중 생사와 소재가 확인된 251명의 동의를 얻어 결성하였다. CRPP는 군사평의회의 민주화 이행안은 결코 버마의 정치, 경제적 문제를 풀 수 없으며, 소수종족들도 이에 동의하지 않을 것이라고 공표하였다.

현재 CRPP에는 위원장 Aung Shwe(NLD)와 Aung San Suu Kyi(NLD), 그리고 여타 소수종족대표 등 18명이 참여해 있다.

2003년 군정보기구를 책임지고 있던 Khin Nyunt이 새수상에 취임하면서 일곱단계의 민주화이행안(seven-point road map to democracy)을 발표하고, 그 첫단계로서 국가회의의 재소집을 선언하였다. 같은 해 9월 군부는 국가회의와 민주화 이행안을 지지하는 관제시위를 조직하였다. 그러나 소수종족들의 연대기구인 랭군 소재 통일소수종족동맹(UNA)은 2003년 12월 군사정부의 민주화 이행안을 공식적으로 거부하였다. 미국에 소재하고 있는 자유버마연합(FBC)은 군사평의회 국가평화개발위원회(이하 SPDC)의 민주화 이행안을 매우 조심스럽게 환영하면서도 아웅산 수지와 그녀의 정당과의 대화가 필수적임을 덧부쳤다. 2003년 12월에는 타이 정부 주도로 방콕에서 버마군사정부의 정치적 일정을 논의하기 위한 국제회의가 열렸다. 이 회의에는 오스트렐리아, 오스트리아, 중국, 프랑스, 독일, 인디아, 인도, 인도네시아, 이탈리, 일본, 싱가포르 대표와 UN 버마특사 Razali Ismail이 동참하였다. 그러나 이 회의는 별다른 성과없이 끝났다.

http://irrawaddy.org(2004/3/31).

UNA에는 카렌, 친, 몬, 카레니, 아라칸, 샨 등을 각각 대표하는 8개 정당으로 구성되어      있다.

이미 작년 5월 30일 데파인(Depayin) 지역에서 아웅산 수지와 동행하던 그녀의 지지자들이 야간에 피습을 받고 250명 가량이 사상을 입는가하면 아웅산 수지는 19개월만에 다시 가택연금되는 사태가 벌어진 터였다. 이로써 버마 민주화 투쟁의 지도자인 아웅산 수지는 약 10년 가량 가택연금 상태에 있는 와중이었다.

현재 버마에는 1990년 5월 총선 이후 국회의원 당선자 중 100여명이 구금된 바 있고 아직까지 국회의원 당선자 14명이 감옥 안에 있다. 이외에도 현재 버마에는 교수, 기자 등 지식인 200여명을 포함하여 1,400여명의 정치범들이 수감되어 있다. 이와 함께 살해, 고문, 강간, 재판없는 구금, 강제이주정책으로 인해 발생한 국내난민(IDPs), 강제노역 등 인권상황이 세계 최악의 수준에 있다. 의사표현, 언론, 집회의 자유 역시 완전히 봉쇄되어 있다. NLD 활동은 철저히 감시받고 있고 NLD 당원들은 협박과 구금에 노출되어 있다. 이미 1996년 군부는 군사평의회 ‘국가법질서회복위원회’(SLROC)를 공개적으로 비판하는 그 누구라도 20년형에 처한다는 법령을 공표하였다. 노조활동도 불허되는 상황에서 강제노역이 이루어지고 있다. 대표적으로 미국 UNOCAL, 프랑스 TOTAL oil, 버마 정부 컨소시엄으로 10억달러 규모의 개스 파이프라인 프로젝트 진행과정에서 강제노역이 이루어진 예를 들 수 있다.

http://www.burmaproject.org/CRISIS/hr.html).

또한 버마군은 국경지대에 몰려 있는 소수민족들에 대해 무자비한 살해, 강제노역, 구타, 강간 등을 일삼고 있다. 2001년 버마군부가 대규모의 군사작전을 벌임에 따라 샨주와 카렌주는 극도로 황폐해졌다. 수십만명의 이 지역 주민들이 고향을 등졌다. 무슬림과 기독교인에 대한 억압도 심각하다.

요컨대 최소민주주의로서 절차적 민주주의조차 부정한 버마 군부의 정치적 부담은 클 수 밖에 없다. 버마 군부는 1990년 이후 이러한 부담을 덜기 위해 헌법 기초 기구인 국가회의를 만들어 소수종족들의 참여를 유도하는 등 나름대로 정치적 개방 제스쳐를 취하였으나 1990년 5월 총선에서 압승한 아웅산 수지의 NLD를 비롯한 정치적 반대자들의 입지가 약화되는 기미가 없자 최근에 들어와 강경일변도의 정치적 통제를 가하고 있다. 지난 해 5월 30일 데파인 학살사건은 그 단적인 예이다. 국가폭력은 비민주국가에서 어렵지 않게 발견할 수 있는 현상이지만 버마의 실상은 상상을 초월한다.

3. 국가폭력과 경제개방의 교환

현재 버마 군사정부의 경우 1990년 이후 절차적 정당성의 결핍을 의식하여 자본주의권과의 적극적인 관계를 통해 경제적 업적에 의한 정당성만이라도 확보하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 그들의 산업 인프라구축 시도도 그 일환이다. 1997년 군사평의회의 명칭을 ‘국가법질서회복위원회’(SLORC)에서 ‘국가평화개발회의’(SPDC)로 바꾼데에서도 군부가 개발에 비중을 두고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 물론 군부는 여전히 질서를 강조하면서 민주화세력이 제시하고 있는 연방제(federal system)는 결국 혼란만을 가져올 것이라고 선전하는 한편, 관제이데올로기의 보급을 조직적으로 이행하기 위해 1993년 9월 15일 관제민간기구인 통일연대개발협의회(USDA)를 조직하여 애국주의와 민족주의를 부추기고 국익을 피땀흘리는 군의 희생을 홍보하고 있다.

이렇듯 버마군사정부는 국가폭력을 질서 이데올로기로 정당화하면서 일단 중국을 비롯해 ASEAN과의 경제교류가 성공적으로 진행시키면서 민주화세력과의 대화없는 개발주의를 밀어붙이고 있다. 또한 개발의 전제가 되는 질서회복의 차원에서 15개 무장세력과의 휴전을 성사시켰다. 그렇지만 미국, 유럽연합(EU) 등 서방 선진국의 경제적 압박으로 인해 2002년 인플레율은 53.7%, 짜트화 가치는 전년대비 35% 하락하였다. 2003년의 경우 물가상승율은 50%에 이르렀다. 같은 해 발생한 은행예금 인출제한으로부터 야기된 유동성부족사태로 공장가동률도 현저히 저하되고 있.

Country Report, EIU 2003년 2월판.

1960년대 초 쿠테타를 주도한 네윈 중심의 군부세력들은 새로운 국민국가의 건설방식으로서 ‘버마식 사회주의’를 기치로 내걸었다. 이후 전(全) 산업의 국유화가 진행되었다. 이미 1960년대와 1970년대 초까지 경제성장률이 1962년 이전 우누시대의 4-5%의 연평균 성장율에도 못 미치는 1.4%에 불과하였고 마이너스 성장이 네 번이나 있었다. 이로써 군부 주도의 사회주의 실험은 버마를 아시아의 선진국에서 최빈국으로 전락시켰다. 이렇듯 버마 군부의 전제적 지배와 계획경제는 버마를 빈사상태로 몰아갔다. 1988년 3월부터 시작된 민중항쟁은 ‘빵’, ‘자유’ 어느 하나도 보장해주지 못한 군부정권에 대한 대중적 저항이었다. 다시말해 당시의 군부정권은 개발능력조차 갖지 못한 전형적인 약탈국가였다. 마르코스형 약탈국가가 민중봉기로 무너져 내렸듯이 네윈형 약탈국가 역시 총체적 위기에 직면해 있었던 것이다.

양길현, “버마의 정치변동과 리더십,” 박사명 외, 동남아의 정치리더십, (서울: 21세기한국연구재단), 211쪽.

버마는 한반도의 약 3배에 달하는 국토와 4천7백만명으로 추산되는 인구, 광활한 평원과 삼림 등 엄청난 잠재력을 보유한 나라다. 동남아 굴지의 자원보유국으로 이라와디 강 연안을 중심으로 형성된 비옥한 토지에서 생산되는 막대한 쌀, 매장량이 400억배럴로 추정되는 석유, 전세계 공급량의 약 80%를 차지하는 티크(목재), 루비, 사파이어 등 다종다양한 천연자원을 보유하고 있다. 2차세계대전 전까지만 해도 동남아 일대에서 최고 수준의 경제적 번영을 누리던 나라였다.

전국민으로부터 불신임을 받게 된 버마군부가 마지막으로 선택한 카드는 경제개방의 확대였다. 1988년 9월 임시정부 수립을 요구하는 민주화세력의 요구를 무시하고 군사평의회에 해당하는 국가법질서회복위원회(SLROC)를 수립한 버마 군부는 다당제 허용과 같은 정치적 자유화 프로그램과 함께 성장전략의 일환으로 그간의 자력갱생모델을 폐기하고 대외개방, 시장경제 도입 등을 핵심적 내용으로 하는 신경제정책을 발표하였다. 구체적으로는 외국인 투자법 및 관계법규를 제정, 공표하고 민간기업을 활성화시키기 위한 조치를 취하였다. 그 결과 아래의 <표 1>에서 볼 수 있듯이 한국, 일본, 싱가포르, 타이 등과 같은 아시아권 투자자들에게 버마의 월등히 낮은 노동임금이 큰 매력적 유인요인이 되어 투자건수가 많아졌다. 특히 외교적 고립에서 벗어나기 위해 서방과 친분이 있는 인사를 총동원해서 외교자원으로 활용하였다. 그 결과 ASEAN 경제장관회의를 개최하여 외교적 성과를 거두기도 하였다.

<표 2> 대(對) 버마 국별 투자순위

순위	투자국	투자건수	투자총액(US$백만)	투자비율
1	싱가포르	72	1572	20.97
2	영국	37	1404	18.72
3	타일랜드	49	1290	17.20
4	말레이시아	33	660	8.81
5	미국	16	582	7.76
6	프랑스	3	470	6.27
7	인도네시아	12	241	3.22
8	네덜란드	5	238	3.18
9	일본	23	212	2.83
10	홍콩	29	162	2.17
11	한국	32	156	2.09
12	필리핀	2	146	1.96
13	오스트렐리아	14	82	1.09
14	오스트리아	2	72	0.97
15	중국	13	64	0.86
16	캐나다	16	59	0.80
17	파나마	1	29	0.39
18	독일	1	15	0.20
19	덴마크	1	13	0.18
20	시프러스	1	5	0.07

출처) Myanmar Times(2004/2/9-15)

버마군부는 이러한 경제개방 조처를 통한 지역경제협력을 강화하면서 몇 번에 걸쳐 정치적 개방 제스쳐를 보여주었다. 1994년에 군부 쪽은 두 번에 걸쳐 아웅산 수지와 만나 대화를 나누었고 1995년에는 NLD 관계자 31명을 석방하였다. 또한 같은 해 7월 아웅산 수지가 6년만에 가택연금에서 풀려났다. 주목할 것은 이러한 정치적 개방 제스쳐가 당시 서방으로부터 제기된 국제적 압력과 ASEAN 가입에 유리한 지역정세를 조성하려는 의도와 밀접한 관련이 있었다는 점이다.

한편 한국-버마 관계를 보자면 버마군사정부의 경우 1960-70년대에는 남북한 등거리 외교를 취하였으나 1983년 10월 ‘아웅산 묘소 폭파사건’ 이후 남한과 긴밀해지기 시작하였다. 1988년 민주항쟁 이후 버마군사정부는 경제실리적 차원에서 한국과의 경제협력을 도모하였다. 1989년 10월에는 한국의 유공에 원유탐사권을 부여하였다. 이 즈음에 대우그룹을 비롯해 한국의 여러 기업들이 버마로 진출하였다.

한국엠네스티 4그룹, 『내릴 수 없는 깃발, 버마』, (서울: 두리미디어), 2000, 189쪽.

그 결과 교역규모가 빠른 신장을 보여 1996년 1억달러에서 2000년 3억달러를 기록하였다. 2000년도 대 버마 수출은 2억8천9백만달러로 무려 54.8% 증가하였다. 대기업군 중에서는 대우의 투자비중이 높고 2003년 4월 현재 에스콰이어, 써니상사 등 두 개 신발업체가 현지투자를 단행하였다. 앞의 <표 2>에서 볼 수 있듯이 2002년 8월말 기준 한국의 대버마 투자는 32건, 1억5천6백만달러로서 버마 투자순위 11위, 전체투자의 2.09%를 차지하고 있다. 대부분은 봉제업으로서 대우봉제, 세계물산 등 30개사 정도 진출해 있다. 싼임금과 임가공방식의 투자진출 시의 각종 세금면제 등을 고려한 투자이다.  일본의 JETRO와 마찬가지로 한국의 KOTRA 역시 버마 현지 기업과의 교역과 공동투자를 권장하고 있다. KOTRA는 주식회사 대우를 버마에서 수익성 높은 투자처를 확보한 좋은 사례로 꼽았다. 반면 지난 2003년 영국버마운동(Burma Campaign UK)은 버마군사독재에 직, 간접적으로 재정적 지원을 하고 있는 ‘수치스러운 기업명단’(dirty lists of compainies)에 대우인터네셔날(Daewoo International Corporation)을 포함시켰다. 그럼에도 불구하고 대우인터네날측은 지난 8월 집권여당에 버마와 경제협력을 촉구하였다.

버마민주화를 지지하는 시민모임(http://cyworld.nate.com/common/main.asp?first=yes)

Steve Finch, Liberalize Economy to Attract Investment, (Myanmar Times/2004/2/9-15).

http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/dirty_list/dirty_list_details.html. 이외에도 강제노역문제와 관련이 있는 미국의 UNOCAL, Total Oil 등이 명단에  올려져 있다.

지난 8월 13일 무역업계 최고경영자들이 서울 삼성동 무역 센터에서 개최된 열린우리당   의원과의 간담회에서 이태용 대우인터내셔널 사장은ꡒ버마와 같이 자원은 많지만 미국    등의 경제제재로 어려움을 겪고 있는 나라와 경제 및 자원협력을 강화해 나가야 한다ꡓ고    건의했다(서울경제/2004/08/13).

5. 국가폭력에 대한 국제사회의 제재

UN은 이미 1994년 이래 버마군사정부에 대해 1990년 총선결과를 수용할 것, 아웅산 수지의 NLD 및 소수종족들과 성의있는 대화를 할 것, 모든 종류의 인권침해를 중단할 것 등을 요구해왔다. 그리고 지난해 11월 군부의 ‘민주화이행안’을 비난하였던 UN 코피 아난 사무총장은 올해 8월 18일 버마군사정부에 대해 아웅산 수지의 즉각적인 가택연금 해제와 정치개혁을 요구하는 성명서를 다시 발표하였다. 이 성명서에서 아난은 현재 군부가 구상하고 있는 새헌법 기초를 위한 국가회의가 사실상 민주화세력을 배제하고 있기 때문에 정당성이 없음을 강조하였다. 또한 그 동안 서방으로부터 버마의 민주화와 민족화해를 기피하고 있다는 비판을 받아온 ASEAN에 대해서도 그동안의 태도를 쇄신하여 긍정적인 기여를 해줄 것을 촉구하였다.

www.irrawaddy.org/art/2004/08/18

국제노동기구(ILO)는 2002년 버마의 강제노역을 규제하기 위해 ILO 가입국들에게 동년 11월 30일자로 대 버마 제재가 실시됨을 알리고 동참을 촉구하였다. 이에 따라 ILO가 성립 이래 역사상 처음으로 강제노역 등을 문제삼아 버마에 대한 제재를 발효하는 사태가 발생하였다. 이러한 ILO의 결정에 대해 버마군사정부는 ILO 헌장 제29조(회원국의 강제노역 금지, 버마는 동 조항에 1955년 가입)에 협조하지 않겠다고 강한 항의문을 전달하는 한편, ILO 결정은 부당한 처사로서 약소 개발도상국에게 중대한 위협이 되고 있으며 서방국가들이 ILO를 배후조정하고 있다고 비난하고 나섰다. 국제의회연맹(IPU)의 인권위원회도 1990년 총선결과를 수용하라는 요구를 군부에 전달한 바 있다.

대 버마 외교적 제재에 대한 자세한 내용은 『ALTSEAN BURMA Special Report』(November/2003)을 참조하시라.

유럽연합(EU)은 ASEAN이 1997년 7월 버마를 회원국으로 받아들이고 나서부터 ASEAN과의 공식적 관계를 중단한 상태다. EU는 이미 1990년에 무기거래 금지조치를 취한데 이어 1991년부터 버마 군수뇌들에 대한 비자발급을 정지시켰다. 지난 2003년에는 비자발급 정지 범위를 확대하였다. 오는 10월에 베트남 하노이에서 열리는 아셈(ASEM) 회의에 아세안(ASEAN) 회원국들이 버마를 참석시킬 경우 회의 자체를 거부하겠다고 경고한 상태이다. 1999년 벨기에 의회는 버마의 국민의회대표자회의(CRPP)를 지지하는 결의안을 통과시켰다. 이외에도 오스트렐리아, 캐나다, 덴마크, 핀란드, 독일, 아일랜드, 네덜란드, 노르웨이, 스웨덴 등 주로 유럽지역의 정부, NGO들이 정치적, 경제적 지원을 하고 있다.

캐나다는 반군부 민중항쟁에 대해 군사정부가 학살로 대응했던 1988년부터 모든 원조를 중지하고 외교관 철수, 무기거래 금지, 군사평의회 고위간부들에 대한 비자발급 정지, 기타 경제협력관계를 철회하였다. 그리고 지난 2003년 이러한 조치들의 대부분을 갱신하였다.

미국 역시 1988년부터 무기거래 금지, 구호를 제외한 모든 원조 중단 등을 시작했고 1989년부터 경제제재의 강도를 높이기 시작했다. 1997년 5월 대 버마 신규투자를 금지시켰으며 지난 2003년 5월 30일 데파인 학살사건 직후에 버마군사정부를 압박하기 위한 ‘버마자유민주주의법’(Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003)을 제정하고 대(對)버마 수입금지를 포함한 전면적인 경제제재를 선언하였다. 그리고 작년 8월 28일부터 본격적으로 경제봉쇄정책을 시작했다. 이 조치로 버마산 물품들의 미국 수입이 사실상 완전 중단됐고, 버마의 300여 의류제조 공장들 중 100여개가 곧 문을 닫을 지경에 처했다. 또한 미국 정부는 버마 고위공직자들에 대한 비자발급 정지를 연장하고 버마에 대한 모든 재정적 지원을 거부할 것을 재결의하였다. 버마의 최대 재정후원국인 일본도 8888 민중항쟁에 군부의 무력진압 직후 공적개발기금(ODA) 공여와 무기거래를 중단하였고 1994년과 1995년에 아웅산 수지를 비롯한 정치적 반대세력과의 관계 진전을 했다는 댓가로 원조를 공여하였다. 일본은 지난 해 데파인 사건 직후에는 대(對) 버마 쌍무적 경제원조를 동결하였다.

작년 데파인 사건 직후 미국이 경제제재를 취한 지 이틀만에 버마 킨 윤 총리 취임과 함께 '민주주의 이행안'(roadmap to democracy)을 발표했다. 그는 이 성명서에서 ꡒ민주주의 이행의 첫 단계는 1996년 수치 여사가 이끄는 야당 NLD의 거부로 중단된 헌법기초를 위한 국가회의를 다시 소집하는 것ꡓ이며 “자유롭고 공정한 선거가 국가회의에서 검토한 새로운 헌법에 따라 실시될 것ꡓ이라고 밝혔다. 그러나 그는 선거를 위한 구체적인 일정과 아웅산 수지의 석방 여부, 정치적 반대세력이 정부 구성에 참여할 수 있는지에 대해서는 언급하지 않음으로써 미국 등 서방이 취한 경제제재 국면을 회피하기 위한 정치적 술수라는 비난을 받았다.

특히 주목할 것은 아시아권내에서는 처음으로 말레이시아에서 버마군사정부에 대해 민주화 압력을 넣기 위한 ‘말레이시아의회 버마문제특위’(Malyasian parliamentary caucus on Burma)가 설치되었다는 점이다. 이 특위는 수상실 장관  Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz, 저명한 야당 지도자 Lim Kit Siang 등 13명으로 구성되어 있는데 41명의 의원들이 이 특위 발족을 지지하였다. 이 특위는 버마군사정부에 대해 NLD 지도자 아웅산 수지에 대한 즉각적인 가택연금 해제 및 모든 정치범 석방, 정당한 절차에 따라 구성된 의회와, 그리고 의회에 의해 선출된 수상과 내각에 즉각적인 권력이양, ASEAN과 UN에서 파견되는 감시집단들의 입국허용과 자유로운 활동 보장 등을 요구하고 있다. 또한 특위위원장 Abdul Aziz는 NGO들과 모임을 갖고 오는 10월에 망명상태에 있는 NLD 지도자를 초청하여 버마 민주화투쟁 현황에 대해 논의하기로 결정하였다.

이들 내용은 지난 6월 8일 성명서의 형태로 발표되었다

Malaysiakini.com/2004/7/14

그러나 그간 버마 군부가 야만적 테러를 통해 정치적 생명을 연장시키고 있는 데에는 아시아정부들의 경제실리주의 외교와 민주화의 국내유입을 우려하는 일부 아시아 정부들이 제기한 ‘아시아적 가치론’이 기여하였다. ‘아시아적 가치론’은 아시아의 민주주의는 서구와 같이 다원성과 경쟁에 기초하지 않고 유일성과 합의에 기초한다고 주장하는 이념으로서 보편적 인권과 민주주의를 부정한다. 그리고 ‘아시아적 가치론’은 권위주의체제를 통한 경제성장을 강조하는 중상주의적 실용주의를 이면에 깔고 있다. 말레이시아의 마하티르와 싱가포르의 리콴유가 주동이 되어 군부정권하의 버마를 ASEAN에 가입시킨 것도 이러한 맥락에서 바라볼 수 있다. 반면 그 선언과 실행간의 갭이 있음에도 불구하고 미국과 EU가 추진하고 있는 경제제재와 외교적 제재는 버마 군사정부에 부담을 주고 있다.

여기에서 경제적 제재가 버마 민중들의 삶에 미치는 효과에 대해 주의할 필요가 있다. 요컨대 경제적 제재는 두 가지 효과를 겨냥한다. 우선적으로 경제제재는 특정 국가권력을 국제사회로부터 외교적으로 고립되도록 몰아가기 위한 정치적 상징성을 지닌다. 다른 하나는 경제제재를 통해 정당성을 결여하고 있는 특정 국가권력의 경제관리능력을 실추시켜 대중들의 반정부적 태도를 유도하는데 목적이 있다.

여기에서 주의할 것은 외부로부터의 경제제재가 오히려 독재정권의 배외주의적 민중주의가 위력을 갖는데 의도하지 않게 기여할 수 있다는 점이다. 실제 버마 군부의 경우 정당성 위기에 직면하자 영국 식민주의자들이 붙인 버마라는 당시의 국명을 식민시대 이전의 국명 미얀마로 바꾸고 과거 미얀마왕국의 영화(榮華)와 그 시기의 문학, 문화, 종교 등을 강조하는 이른바 미얀마민족주의를 부추기고, 아웅산 수지 등 민주화세력을 서방의 꼭두각시로 몰아가고 있는 것 역시 경제제재가 미친 배외주의적 민중주의의 한 증후로 볼 수 있다.

반면 민중들의 삶을 인권차원에서 고려하여 경제적 협력과 지원을 해야한다는 논의도 한편에 있다. 이를테면 1998년 10월 유엔인권고등판무관 메리 로빈슨은 버마의 정치적 개방을 유도하기 위해 버마 군사정부에게 10억 달러의 경제원조안을  제시하면서 전제조건으로 정치범의 석방과 NLD와의 대화를 요구하였다. 1999년 알바로 데 소또 유엔사무총장보 역시 버마를 방문하여 아웅산 수지와의 교섭을 전제로 10억달러의 재정적 원조를 약속하였다. 콜롬비아대학의 제프리 삭스 교수는ꡒ지난 수년간의 미국의 경제제재는 버마의 정치적 경제적 위기를 해결하는데 아무런 도움도 되지 못했다”면서 미국의 금수조치가 군사정권과 아웅산 수지여사가 이끄는 NLD 사이의 정치적 교착상태가 수지여사쪽에 유리하게 진행되도록 하기 위한 것이었으나 버마의 허약한 경제는 집권세력의 약화를 가져오지 못하고 오히려 집권세력이 자신들의 정치적 실수를 외세의 방해 탓으로 돌릴 수 있게 하고, 강경파가 득세해 변화의 가능성을 원천적으로 차단하는 결과만 낳았다고 주장한다.

내일신문/2004/07/29.

그러나 이러한 온건론의 부상에도 불구하고 경제원조를 댓가로 민주주의 회복을 요구하는 서방의 제의를 버마 군사정부는 무시하고 있다. 오히려 이들은 버마의 인권과 민주주의 문제에 냉담한 반응을 보이는 아시아 지역의 정치환경에 만족하고 있다. 2000년 ILO총회의에서 버마군부정권의 강제노역을 비난하는 결의가 있었을 때도 방글라데쉬, 캄보디아, 중국, 인도, 인도네시아, 일본, 말레이시아, 버마, 파키스탄, 필리핀, 싱가포르, 스리랑카, 베트남의 정부측 대표들은 이를 거부하였다. 특히 중국과 베트남의 경우 정부, 노동, 재계측 모두가 반대표를 던졌다. 반면 한국의 경우 노동측 대표만이 이를 찬성하였고 정부측은 기권을 하였다.

6. 결론

1962년부터 1974년까지 12년간 군사평의회가 버마를 통치한 데에서 알 수 있듯이 사실상 버마 군부가 추진했던 ‘버마식 사회주의’는 사회주의 슬로건으로 위장한 군사독재에 다름 아니었다. 결국 군부통치하의 버마는 20년이 지나 국제사회에서 가장 낙후되고 빈곤한 나라가 되었다.

주지하다시피 군사정부는 자유를 박탈한 대신 빵의 문제를 해결할 때만이 절차적 정당성(procedural legitimacy) 결핍에서 야기되는 위기를 경제적 업적에 따른 정당성(performance legitimacy)으로 상쇄할 수 있다. 그러나 버마 군사정부는 경제적 업적에 의한 정당성조차 확보하지 못함으로써 위기를 피할 수 없었다. 따라서 1988년에 있었던 반(反)군부 민주항쟁은 필연이었다.

1980년대 중․후반은 국제사회에서 민주화라는 공통의 정치적 변화를 발견할 수 있었던 매우 중요한 시점이었다. 라틴아메리카 지역은 물론이고 한국, 대만, 필리핀 등 일부 아시아 국가들까지 이른바 ‘제 3의 물결’이라고 명명되는 민주화 대열에 합류하였다. 마침내 동구사회주의권에서도 ‘민주화’가 시작되었다. 버마군부 역시 그 대세를 의식하여 총선이라는 절차적 민주주의를 수용하였지만 계엄령하라는 불공정한 정치적 환경을 조성하였음에도 불구하고 선거결과가 군부의 정치적 생명을 박탈할 정도로 혁명적 수준에 가깝자 이를 무력으로 거부하였다. 이에 대해 국제사회는 강도높은 비난과 제재를 가하였다.

이렇듯 절차적 정당성에 다시 한번 치명적인 결함을 안게 됨과 동시에 국제사회로부터 고립위기에 놓인 버마 군사정부는 국면전환용으로 경제개방이라는 카드를 꺼냈다. 투자유치와 교역확대를 통해 대내적으로는 악화일로에 있는 경제를 반전시키고 대외적으로는 경제실리 중심의 외교노선을 취하는 주변국들과의 관계를 강화하여 국제사회로부터의 고립을 피하기 위함이었다. 이러한 정치적 억압과 경제적 개방을 짝으로 하는 이른바 ‘동남아신흥공업국 모델’로의 전환은 초기에 일정한 성과를 얻었다. 서방의 방해에도 불구하고 ASEAN에 가입할 수 있었던 것이 그 대표적인 예이다.

주목할 것은 버마의 ASEAN 가입이야말로 동남아국가들의 민주화 수준을 보여주는 좋은 예라는 점이다. 물론 버마의 ASEAN 가입은 미국의 일방주의에 대한 지역적 연대라는 측면도 있었으나 각국들이 경제실리주의를 토대로 민주화 의제가 자국내로 유입될 것을 우려하는 측면이 보다 강했다. 이후 주변 동남아국가들은 버마군사정부와의 교류를 자제해줄 것을 요청한 아웅산 수지를 비롯한 반군부 민주화세력들과 서방의 요구를 무시하고 버마와의 경제교류를 강화해나갔다. 말레이시아의 마하티르 수상은 ‘아시아식 민주주의’라는 이름으로 버마의 ASEAN 가입과 버마와의 경제협력을 정당화하였다. 중국은 ASEAN 이상으로 버마군사정부와 보조를 같이 하고 있다. 일본은 인권외교와 경제실리외교를 오가는 모습을 보이고 있다.

반면 한국의 경우 1990년대 초 민주화가 시작된 이후에도 버마에서 국가폭력과 관련된 정치적 문제가 발생했을 때 버마 군사정부에 대해 온건한 수준의 성명서만을 발표하였을 뿐 어떠한 외교적, 경제적 제재도 검토한 바 없다. 작년 5월 30일 데파인학살 사건이 일어났을 때도 현 정부는 외교적 수사로 그쳤다. 현 정부가 이른바 ‘참여정부’로서 ‘문민정부’, ‘국민의 정부’에 이어 ‘운동의 국가화’의 세 번째 단계를 의미한다면 민주주의와 인권이라는 대의에 부합하는 외교의 원칙을 세우고 실행해나갔어야 했다. 그리고 인권외교의 맥락에서 해외로 진출하는 국내기업들이 윤리적 투자를 할 수 있도록 계도할 수 있어야 했다.

미국 부시정부의 일방주의 노선이 평화가 아닌 분쟁을 부추김으로써 ‘역사의 종언’을 무색하게 하는 측면이 있지만 국제사회에서 군사력과 같은 하드파워(hard power)를 견제할 수 있는 소프트파워(soft power)의 위력을 여전히 무시할 수는 없다. 소프트파워를 구성하는 핵심 요소 중의 하나가 인권과 민주주의이다. 최근 이라크에서 자국군대를 철수한 필리핀의 아로요정부는 국제사회에 자국의 소프트파워를 유감없이 과시할 수 있었다. 그러나 현 한국정부는 정반대의 이미지만을 얻게 되었다.

현 정부는 UN을 비롯해 국제사회가 규탄하고 있는 버마군사정부에 대해 인권외교의 맥락에서 대응할 경우 단기적으로는 손실이 있을지 몰라도 중장기적으로는 인권외교로부터 산출된 소프트파워를 국익으로 전환시킬 수 있음을 인지할 필요가 다. 동북아 국제관계의 맥락에서는 국제사회의 지지를 얻으며 미국의 일방주의에 제동을 걸면서 한반도문제 해결의 주도권을 우리 정부가 확보할 수 있는 계기를 마련할 수 있다. 한국민주주의가 미국의 일방주의의 위협하에 놓여 있는 한반도문제를 지혜롭게 풀어나갈 수 있는 외교적 자산의 값어치를 동시에 갖다는 얘기이다.      경제관계의 측면에서 보더라도 현 버마군사정부가 정치적 억압과 경제개방을 패키지로 한 동남아시아 신흥공업국모델을 모방하려고 하지만 그러한 모델을 제도화시킬 있을 정도의 능력이 있다고 보여지지 않는다. 다시말해 현 버마군사정부는 머지않아 정당성 위기에 직면할 수 있는 가능성이 높다.

현재 버마 민주화세력들은 버마가 분명히 한국의 자본과 기술을 필요로 하지만 투자의 시점은 군사정부하에 있는 현재가 아니라 민주화가 이루어진 미래라고 주장한다. 이러한 버마 민주화세력들의 요구를 감안하여 현 정부는 지금까지의 짧은 시야를 넘어 서서 다양한 각도에서 민주적 파트너쉽을 구축하는 문제를 적극 고려해야 한다.

요컨대 ‘운동의 국가화’의 3단계에 해당하는 현 정부는 인권외교가 현실을 읽지 못하는 이상주의의 공론(空論)이 아님을 인식할 필요가 있다. 버마문제가 ‘우리의 문제’와 거리가 있는 국제연대의 사안에 그치는 것이 아니라 ‘우리의 문제’를 해결해가는 우회로 중의 하나일 수 있기 때문이다.

버마 민주주의와 인권관련 참고자료

1. 한국 국회의원 성명서 ----------------------------------------------------- 17

2. 아웅산수지 메시지----------------------------------------------------------- 18

3. 버마 국회의원 국제 연대 호소문---------------------------------------- 20

4. IPU 버마 문제 관련 선언-------------------------------------------------- 21

5. IPU 서명 국가별현황-------------------------------------------------------- 22

6. 태국-말레이시아-영국 의원들의 국제연대 활동---------------------- 26

7. Dirty List of Companies---------------------------------------------------- 47

The Press release of Korean MPs

5th June,2003

It is a matter of sincere regret that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition leader of Burma, with a serious wound , was forced to be detained by terror of the military dictatorship.

It is considered as a serious challenge toward democracy and basic human rights and  deep anger and anxiety are caused to the people all over the world who have devoted themselves to democracy.

We urge that Burmese Junta should guarantee Aung San Suu Kyi's safety and political freedom who has devoted her lifetime to the movements for human rights and is highly regarded all over the world as the symbol of democratic revolution of Burma and a winner of Nobel peace prize.

The members of National Assembly from non-government democratic unification movements

Gim Gyeong Jae,  Gim Geun Tae, Gim Yeong Hwan, Gim Tae Heung, Gim Hui Seon, Bae Gi Seon, Bae Gi un, Seol Hun, Song Yeong Gil, Sin Gye Ryun, Sim Jae Gwon, O Yeong Sik, I Mi Gyeong, I Sang Su, I Jae Jeong, I Chang Bok, I Hae Chan, I Ho Ung, Im Jong Seok, Im Chae Jeong, Jang Yeong Dal, Jeong Cheol Gi  and  Jo Seong Jun.

A MESSAGE FROM DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI

BURMA'S LEADER, NOBEL PEACE LAUREATE

International Burma Summit

Copenhagen, Denmark

22-23 September 2002

________________________________________________________________

I  would  like to thank all of you for the interest you have taken in Burma and for all that you have done to help our cause. I think it was due to the efforts of people like you that my release was able to get through in May, but this is not really enough. My release does not mean release for all the people in Burma.

What we are working for is an improvement in the situation of the country [so] that the people may benefit from the changes. Without such changes, my release means nothing at all.

During the last few months, I have had opportunities to meet the people of my country again. I have been able to go around and to see what it is like.  It is an improvement in my situation, the fact that I have been able to travel, but during my travels, I have discovered that there is so much more to be done for this country than I had ever imagined.

The people are desperate for change. They all know that there should be a better world waiting for them and in my opinion, our people deserve a better world because they have the right sort of spirit. They have hope and they know what they want. The only thing they do not know is how they could get what they want. In order to get what they want, they need help what they want is not wrong, what they want is security, justice, they want progress [and] they want prosperity. They want all the basic things that ordinary human beings want. They are not asking for too much, they are just asking for very simple things.

For this reason, we all have a duty to do whatever we can to help our people to realize their aspirations. Our people are not greedy, they are not over-ambitious, they are simply asking for what every human being should have the right to ask for.

I would like to request [our] friends all over the world to understand that quick change is necessary. Speedy change is the way to resolve Burma's problems. We cannot afford indefinite delay. If we delay too much, that in itself will create its own problems. Some people talk about a steady pace - there is a great difference between a reasonable steady pace and a slow one that can be counter-productive.

The longer we take over the transition period the more likely it is that this transition period will lead nowhere. The longer we take over proposed changes, the more likely it is that people will lose confidence in the sincerity of those who say they do want change.

From the point of view of the National League for Democracy, change could not come fast enough. If change came today, it would still be a bit too late because change should have come to our country many years ago.

It's because change has been so delayed that our people are suffering, particularly the younger people. I have been greatly concerned over the situation of our young people who are frustrated, who know that they are capable of more than they are allowed to do. Because of that, I would like to say: change, change and change, and speedy change is what we should all aim towards.

Of course, there are those who will say that not all change is for the good. Certainly, I agree with that. We are notasking for any kind of change. We are asking for the kind of positive change that will open up our country in order that our people will fulfill their potential. And this sort of change could not come too early.

Our people deserve better than they have now. I do not say that the Burmese people are without weaknesses. Certainly, I should know that more than anybody else because I have worked with them and I have often been frustrated by their timidity in certain aspects. But there [are] also among them, people who are truly courageous, who are prepared to sacrifice everything for what they think is necessary for this country. Such big heartedness and such courage must not go unrewarded. Because of that, I would like to appeal to our friends all over the world to do everything they can to ensure that we progress towards democracy. By which I mean, a society which guarantees our people both security and freedom as quickly as possible.

Let me thank you once again for your staunch friendship and I look forward to the day when I can welcome you all to Burma with happiness and with gratitude.

Thank you.

Produced by Altsean-Burma

for the Euro-Burma Office

민주적으로 선출된 버마 국회의원들과의 연대를 추구하는 세계의원들의 선언

버마 국민들은 1990년 5월 27일 자유롭고 공정한 선거를 통해 그들의 대표자들을 선출했다.

그러나 이렇게 민주적으로 선출된 대표자들이 국회의원으로써 봉사해야 할 그들의 정당한 권리를 빼앗기고 세계에서 유일하게 국회의원 공직으로부터 배제된 국회의원들로 남아있다.

「세계의원연맹」은 법에 따라 정당하게 선출된 국회의원을 체포, 감금, 처벌하는 것은 유엔 인권법상 국제시민, 정치적 권리 규약을 위반하는 것이라고 간주하고 있다(1999년 10월 16일, 베를린에서 열린 제 165차 세계의원연맹 위원회에서 채택된 결의안).

1990년 5월 27일 총선에서 485석 중 392석을 차지한 민족민주동맹(National League for Democracy)에 따르자면 2000년 3월 현재, 버마 국민들이 선출한 국회의원들 중 55명이나 되는 의원들이 구금되어 있는 상태이다. 발표된 바에 의하면 구금기간 중 고문이 자행되었고, 적절한 치료가 없었으며, 충분한 음식이 공급되지 않았다. 게다가 구금 상태에 있던 국회의원 중 5명이 사망했다.

유엔인권위원회는 버마에서 가혹하고 조직적인 인권침해가 증가하고 있다고 언급했다(1999년 55차 유엔인권위원회).

국제노동기구(ILO)의 국제노동회의는 현 (군사정부) 국가평화와 발전위원회(SPDC)가 버마 국민들에게 지속적으로 강제노역을 시키고 있다고 언급했다.(1999년 6월 제네바에서 열린 제 87차 국제노동회의 ‘버마에서 만연된 강제노역에 관한 결의문’)

따라서 민주적으로 선출된 세계의원연맹은 버마의 선출된 국회의원에게 지지와 연대를 선언한다. 그리고 다음과 같이 버마 군사정부에 요구한다.

1. 즉시 그리고 무조건적으로 당선되었던 모든 국회의원을 석방하고 버마 국민들에게 가해지는 모든 인권침해를 중단하라.

2. 정당한 절차에 따라 선출된 대표자들의 국회 소집 권리를 인정하고 그들에 대한 모든 제제를 즉각 중단하라.

3. 평화적인 민주화 이행을 위해 (아웅산 수지의) 민족민주동맹(NLD)과 종족대표자들과의 대화에 동의하라.

MPs in solidarity with elected MPs of Burma,

3285 MPs around the world have signed the MP Declaration!

(as of December 8, 2001)

No	Country	MPs Signed
1	Andorra	7
2	Angola	2
3	Armenia	2
4	Australia	47
5	Austria	12
6	Azerbaijan	3
7	Bangladesh	4
8	Belgium	77
9	Benin	1
10	Bolivia	5
11	Bosnia & Herzegovina	2
12	Botswana	2
13	Bulgaria	10
14	Burkina Faso	5
15	Burundi	2
16	Cambodia	7
17	Canada	36
18	Chad	1
19	Chile	4
20	Costa Rica	2
21	Croatia	3
22	Cyprus	13
23	Czech Republic	29
24	Denmark	99
25	Djibouti	2
26	Ecuador	1
27	Estonia	68
28	Ethiopia	1
29	Fiji	1
30	Finland	53
31	France	65
32	Gabon	6
33	Georgia	1
34	Germany	152
35	Ghana	1
36	Guatemala	1
37	Hungary	1
38	Iceland	65
39	India	168
40	Indonesia	2
41	Ireland	182
42	Israel	1
43	Italy	343
44	Japan	151
45	Jordan	1
46	Kenya	2
47	Kyrgyz Stan	4
48	Latvia	2
49	Lebanon	1
50	Liberia	5
51	Lithuania	3
52	Luxembourg	19
53	Macedonia	2
54	Malta	1
55	Mali	2
56	Malaysia	22
57	Mauritius	19
58	Morocco	1
59	Mozambique	3
60	Namibia	2
61	Nepal	33
62	Netherlands	51
63	New Zealand	20
64	Nicaragua	2
65	Nigeria	1
66	Niger	1
67	Norway	137
68	Panama	1
69	Papua NewGuinea	3
70	Peru	3
71	Philippines	88
72	Poland	197
73	Portugal	248
74	Romania	1
75	Rwanda	1
76	San Marino	34
77	Slovakia	53
78	South Africa	5
79	Spain	1
80	Sri Lanka	1
81	Sweden	4
82	Switzerland	107
83	Taiwan	143
84	Thailand	12
85	Uganda	3
86	United Kingdom	93
87	Uruguay	2
88	Yemen	1
89	Zambia	2
90	Greece	13
91	Brazil	2
92	Russia	1
93	Slovania	1

Note:

*In Canada, Coordinators will also collect signatures of MPs from Provincial Parliaments, such as British Columbia and Quebec.

As of december 8, 2001, the total is 3285, including 224 members of the European Parliament. . It also includes 65 members of the United States Congress (18 Senators and 47 House of Representatives of the 106th Congress, who co-sponsored the concurrent resolution on Burma ----- S. Con. Res. 113 and H. Con. Res. 328 respectively, expressing the sense of the Congress in recognition of the 10th anniversary of the free and fair elections in Burma and the urgent need to improve the democratic and human rights of the people of Burma).

On November 29, 2000, The House of Assembly of the Parliament of Tasmania also unanimously passed a motion in support of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma's struggle for democracy and freedom. There are 25 members in the Tasmanian House of Assembly. The Members of Parliament Union (MPU) will continue the 'MP Campaign' until December 2001.

2004-08-22 combined file on MPs caucus on BURMA

---------------------------------------------

Thailand MPs on Caucus

August 10, Bangkok Post

Caucus to work for civil liberties - Achara Ashayagachat

Burma / Road to Democracy

A group of parliamentarians has joined with colleagues from other Asean countries in forming a caucus to work towards democratisation and promotion of human rights in Burma.

Democrat MP Sukhumbhand Paribatra, Bangkok Senator Jon Ungphakorn, and Chiang Rai Senator Tuenjai Deetes said yesterday they would work with other parliamentarians in setting up a pro-democracy network to coordinate with the Asian Forum for Human Rights Development and other regional civil groups.

Malaysia has already set up a core group of 12-15 parliamentariansto work on the project, M.R. Sukhumbhand said, adding that countries such as Thailand, the Philippines, Indonesia and even East Timor were also beginning to form alliances to work for change in Rangoon.

"We realise the government might have limitations, including diplomatic etiquette and protocols, in pushing for change and thus we would like to start another force.

But at the moment there appears to be little interest among Thai MPs, probably because it's the election season," the former deputy foreign minister said.

Mr Jon said the Senate committee on foreign affairs, led by chairman Kraisak Choonhavan, and the panel on social development could support the movement for change in Burma and might work on related issues.

A discussion yesterday organised by Forum-Asia was briefed by exiled National Coalition Government of Union of Burma spokesman San Aung and Teddy Buri.

They hoped to instill a sense of urgency in efforts to resolve the deadlock over the issue of Burma's attendance at the Asia-Europe Meeting summit in Hanoi in October and also Rangoon's chairmanship of Asean in 2006.

************************************************************

Malaysian MPs Caucus on Burma

APPENDIXES: It is time to act on Burma

PRESS STATEMENT BY THE PRO-DEMOCRACY MYANMAR MPS' CAUCUS OF THE MALAYSIAN PARLIAMENT AT THE PARLIAMENT HOUSE, KUALA LUMPUR ON

TUESDAY, 8th June 2004:

We, the members of the Pro-democracy Myanmar MPs' Caucus of the Malaysian Parliament believe in the inalienable right of the Myanmar people to self-determination and democratic expression through free and fair elections.

We hereby appeal to the Prime Minister and the Government of Myanmar to carry out the following measures to restore the democratic rights of the Myanmar people:

1.	To immediately and unconditionally release leader of National League for Democracy (NLD), Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest.

2.	To immediately and unconditionally release all political detainees including all the Members of Parliament elected at the last General Elections.

3.	To immediately and unconditionally allow the leaders of the NLD to participate in the Myanmar National Constitutional Convention so as to ensure that legitimately elected leaders of Myanmar are not excluded from the deliberations and decisions of the Convention.

4.	To immediately convene Parliament and allow the Members of Parliament elected at the last elections to elect a new Prime Minister and government according to prevailing constitutional and parliamentary norms.

5.	To immediately begin the process of handing over authority to the legitimately elected Parliament and the Prime Minister and government elected by Parliament.

6.	To immediately allow the entry and unimpeded functioning of observer groups from ASEAN and the UN who shall be tasked to ensure that constitutional and civil processes are adhered to.

The Caucus also calls upon the Myanmar Government to respect ASEAN and international opinion and return to the mainstream of responsible international norms and behavior.

We support the role play by UN Rapporteur to Myanmar, Tan Sri Razali Ismail to engage both military junta of Myanmar and NLD and mediate the differences between them, and we will continue to give him the necessary support.

We urge the Malaysian government to continue to playits role to persuade the Myanmar government to face up to regional and international aspirations for democratization and national reconciliation in Myanmar.

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Myanmar should be expelled or suspended from ASEAN if no general election is held in Burma by 2006 to avert  the  2006 ASEAN Summit with Myanmar as host becoming a diplomatic disaster

http://www.malaysia.net/dap/lks3078.htm

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Speech on the Foreign Ministry during the committee stage debate on the Supply (Reallocation of Appropriated Expenditure) Bill 2004

by Lim Kit Siang

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(DewanRakyat, Wednesday): Firstly, let me congratulate the MP for Kota Baru Datuk Mohd Zaid Ibrahim for his appointment as Chairman of the Malaysian Parliamentary Pro-Democracy Myanmar  Caucus which represented MPs from both sides of the House and both Houses of Parliament.

I hope that an ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Caucus on democracy in Myanmar could be formed, for Parliamentarians from all ASEAN countries to come together on a common platform and concern to work for  the restoration of democracy in Burma.

Malaysia has a vested interest to see the restoration of Burmese democracy and national reconciliation, not only for the sake of the long-suffering  people of Burma, but for ourselves and ASEAN as well, as Myanmar had poisoned relations between ASEAN and Europe and the rest of the world for too long.

The Asia-Europe Summit this year to be held in Hanoi in October is likely to be another casualty of this poisoning of relationship between ASEAN and Europe over Myanmar, and the Asia-Europe Summit is largely expected to be postponed because of differences over Myanmar.

In 2006, there may be a greater diplomatic disaster when Myanmar is scheduled to be the host of the ASEAN Summit.

Malaysia and ASEAN should take a strong stand on democracy and national reconciliation in Myanmar, including the expulsion or suspension of Myanmar from ASEAN if no general election is held in Burma by 2006, in order to avoid the diplomatic disaster of having Myanmar to host the 2006  ASEAN Summit.

The present National Convention as the first of the Myanmese military junta's "seven step roadmap to democracy"started on May 17 is nothing but a farce, as Burmese Opposition Leader Aung San Suu Kyi is still under house arrest while the convention has been boycotted by the National League for Democracy (NLD).

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on human rights, Professor Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, has called the National Convention a "meaningless and undemocratic exercise"and said that the 1,000 hand-picked delegates meeting at a compound outside Yangon were under "mass house arrest".

Pinheiro has been refused access to Burma a second time in three months, although he is due to present a new report on Burma to the United Nations General Assembly in July.  The special envoy of the Indonesianpresident, former foreign minister Ali Alatas, was refused permission to visit Burma in mid-April while the special envoy to the UN Secretary-General Tan Sri Razali Ismail was denied return to Burma before the National Convention reconvened.

Delegates to the convention are as good as being kept in a "concentration camp", who are threatened with  20 years'jail if they pass information about the proceedings on to people outside the convention and if they criticize the convention or make anti-government comments.

It is no surprise therefore that the convention has been described as "little more than a political show, clumsily designed to give the government a much-needed sheen of respectability".

(9/6/2004)

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Call on ASEAN Parliamentarians concerned about democracy in Burma to come together to form an ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Caucus on Democracy in Myanmar within the next two months in time for the 16th anniversary of the "8888 Democracy Uprising"

http://www.malaysia.net/dap/lks3081.htm

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Media Conference Statement (2)

by Lim Kit Siang

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(Parliament House, Thursday): With the formation on Tuesday  of the first cross-party Malaysian Parliamentary Pro-Democracy Myanmar  Caucus, with representation from parliamentarians  from both sides of the House and from both Houses of Parliament, I wish to call on ASEAN Parliamentarians concerned about democracy in Burma to come together to form an ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Caucus on Democracy in Myanmar within the next two months in time for the 16th anniversary of the "8888 Democracy Uprising".

Hundreds of democracy demonstrators were gunned down on August 8, 1988, paving the way for a military junta to take power the next month from longtime military dictator Ne Win.

The junta allowed free elections in 1990, which Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won convincingly, but the military still refuses to recognise the result.

This year, which   marks the 16th anniversary of the "four eights", should see greater regional and international efforts to put pressure on the Myanmese military junta to embark on a meaningful process of democratization and national reconciliation, starting with the immediate release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners.

Last August,  the Myanmar Prime Minister Khin Nyunt first trotted out the so-called "seven-step roadmap to democracy"for Myanmar, but the National Constitution Convention convened by the military junta to draft a new constitution to be followed by general elections is nothing but a farce leading to  nothing more than pseudo-democracy.

Last week, United Nations  special rapporteur on human rights Professor Paulo Sergio Pinheiro called the convention a "meaningless and undemocratic exercise" and said the 1,000 hand-picked delegates meeting at a compound outside Yangon were under "mass house arrest".

Although the delegates, from various walks of life, were allowed to leave the convention compound last weekend, they have refused  to discuss the convention.

This is because  the delegates have been issued prohibitions on everything from criticizing the army to discussing information about the convention with the threat  of up to  20 years' imprisonment if they criticize the  national convention or make anti-government comments.

One of the first things the Malaysian Parliamentary Pro-Democracy Myanmar  Caucus should do is to reach out to their potential counterparts in the other ASEAN Parliaments to develop the momentum  for a campaign to forestall two impending  diplomatic disasters because of Myanmar the ASEM (Asia-Europe) Summit scheduled in Hanoi in October this year and ASEAN taking over the rotating Chair of ASEAN  and hosting the ASEAN Summit in 2006.

European diplomats I have met are pessimistic that the Asia-Europe Summit in Hanoi in October could be held as scheduled, expecting it to be aborted because of the deadlock between ASEAN and the European Union over democracy in Myanmar.

A bigger diplomatic disaster awaits  ASEAN when Myanmar hosts the ASEAN Summit in 2006. setting  the stage for a greater showdown with ASEAN's "dialogue partners", the United States and European Union if the Myanmese military junta continues to be intransigent and contemptuous of regional and international opinion for democratization in Burma.

In Parliament yesterday, to avert a diplomatic disaster for  the ASEAN Summit  in 2006,  I proposed the expulsion or suspension of Myanmar from ASEAN if no general election is held in Burma by 2006. I hope this proposal could find support in the halls of Parliament of the other ASEAN countries before receiving the serious consideration of the ASEAN governments  and be the common theme for all ASEAN NGOs committed to democracy for Burma..

(10/6/2004)

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Asia Times

Malaysian caucus rebukes Myanmar's junta

By Marwaan Macan-Markar

Jun 11, 2004

BANGKOK - By expressing dissatisfaction with the slow pace of Myanmar's democratic process, a group of Malaysian parliamentarians have charged that the military regime in Myanmar could cause untold political damage to the international reputation of the region.

The stark message from Kuala Lumpur to Yangon this week leaves the junta limited room for maneuvering.

The Malaysian parliamentarians have faulted Myanmar's regime, expected to assume the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2006, for failing to abide by both the international and regional norms of human rights and democracy.

The parliamentarians are calling on Yangon to "respect ASEAN and international opinion and return to the mainstream of responsible international norms and behavior", declared their statement released on Tuesday.

"If Myanmar has not changed by then [2006], it could prove very embarrassing for ASEAN, because its partners in the West would not attend the ASEAN meeting," said Asada Jayanama,a former Thai diplomat who served in Myanmar. "It could even result in the breakup of ASEAN."

Sunai Phasuk, the Thai representative of the global rights lobby Human Rights Watch, said the message from Malaysia amounts to an open acknowledgement that an unreformed Myanmar will be a "political liability for the region".

"ASEAN will run the risk of being branded as a collaborator of a pariah state," he said during an interview.

What lends weight to the Malaysian appeal is the composition of the lawmakers who issued it. They come from both the government and the opposition ranks. The statement was the first of many measures expected to come from these parliamentarians, who formed a bipartisan committee this week to campaign for democracy in Myanmar.

It comes shortly after Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi was reported to have told his visiting counterpart from Myanmar, Prime Minister Khin Nyunt, that "the future is democracy".

Khin Nyunt's visit to Malaysia on June 1 was his first since Myanmar began its National Convention, a heavily criticized process to draft a new constitution. The junta is bandying this political exercise, which began May 17, as a key feature toward political reform.

More than 1,000 delegates chosen by the military government are involved. However, the constitutional convention has been deprived of credibility from its inception, when the junta refused to revoke a law that prohibits individual delegates or political parties from criticizing the convention's format.

The regime also denies participants the freedom to conceive a constitution that is an alternative to the one drafted by the military. The violators of Law No 5/96, which includes other harsh restrictions, could face prison terms ranging from five to 20 years.

Further, the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), is boycotting the event, because its leader, Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, is under house arrest along with other members of her party. She was arrested after she and her party members were attacked by gangs linked to the junta on May 30, 2003.

The Malaysian parliamentarians have also urged the junta to release these political prisoners.

Malaysia's new rebuke comes almost a year after former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad lashed out at Yangon's oppressive policies at last July's ASEAN summit meeting in Indonesia. Mahathir, who was the most senior government leader of ASEAN at that time, even threatened Myanmar with expulsion from the regional body if it failed to release Suu Kyi.

"Mahathir's criticism and the one made this week stem from the sense of moral obligation Malaysia feels to bring about change in Myanmar, because it was Malaysia that took the lead to invite Myanmar to join ASEAN," said Asada, the Thai diplomat.

After Myanmar's entry in 1997, Mahathir tried to shield Myanmar's regime from criticism over its notorious human-rights record. He simply described Myanmar's problems as an internal affair that foreigners should keep out of. Thereafter, ASEAN talked of pursuing "constructive engagement" policies and "enhanced interaction" to push the junta toward political reform.

Malaysia's level of engagement increased after the appointment of a former Malaysian diplomat, Razali Ismail, as a special envoy of United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan to initiate political change in Myanmar.

"Myanmar's military leaders have regarded their relationship with Malaysia very seriously," said Soe Aung, director of external affairs for the Network for Democracy and Development, a group made up of political exiles from Myanmar. "That was reflected in the choice of countries Khin Nyunt visited after the National Convention began," said Soe. "Malaysia was the first stop, then came Thailand.

"This week's strong message from Malaysia will be hard for the regime to ignore," he said.

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Asian Tribune-Date : 2004-06-17

Hundreds of Birthday Cards Sent to Burmese Nobel Laureate :

UK MPs Express Solidarity

London, 16 June: As Burma's democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, prepares to celebrate her 59th birthday under house arrest, support for freedom and justice in Burmais pouring in from all over the world.

More than 200 birthday cards have been sent to the Nobel Laureate by Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) supporters from the UK and around theworld for her birthday on June 19. Events are also planned for that day by Burma activists in London, Frankfurt, the USA and elsewhere.

In addition, nearly 20 UK Parliamentarians from all parties have added their support to calls by Malaysian MPs for change in Burma.

In a letter to a group of pro-democracy Malaysian MPs, who issued a statement last week calling for progress towards democracy in Burma, members of the House of Commons and House of Lords applauded the Malaysian politicians' stand and have urged the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries to respond to the widespread reports of crimes against humanity in Burma.

CSW UK's President Baroness Cox, who has traveled to the region many times, said: "I warmly welcome the fact that these Malaysian MPs have had the courage of their convictions and spoken up for the oppressed people of Burma. It shows that support for the democracy and ethnic national groups in Burma is not simply a 'Western' phenomenon, but a universal cry for justice. It is time ASEAN, and Burma's regime itself, responded."

John Bercow, Conservative MP for Buckingham and Shadow Secretary of State for International Development, who visited the Thai-Burmese border with CSW in April, said: "The evidence is incontrovertible. The junta in Burma is guilty of crimes against humanity - killings, rape, forced labor, forced relocation, child soldiers, human minesweepers, destruction of villages and crops, Nazi-style torture, religious persecution. These have been documented in report after report after report. People may say we need to give the regime more time, but they have had decades already. The time for waiting is over. We wish to put these reports on the desks of ASEAN leaders and ask them what they have to say."

CSW supporters sent birthday cards to Daw Suu Kyi, whose latest period in detention began after she was attacked by pro-junta mobs in Depayin on 30 May last year.

Malaysian Members of Parliament

Press Statement by the Pro-democracy Myanmar MPs' Caucus of the Malaysian Parliament at the Parliament House, Kuala Lumpur on Tuesday 8 June 2004:

We, the members of the Pro-democracy Myanmar MPs' Caucus of the Malaysian Parliament believe in the inalienable right of the Myanmar people to self-determination and democratic expression through free and fair elections.

We hereby appeal to the Prime Minister and the Government of Myanmar to carry out the following measures to restore the democratic rights of the Myanmar people:

1. To immediately and unconditionally release leader of National League for Democracy (NLD), Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest.

2. To immediately and unconditionally release all political detainees including all the Members of Parliament elected at the last General Elections.

3. To immediately and unconditionally allow the leaders of the NLD to participate in the MyanmarNational Constitutional Convention so as to ensure that legitimately elected leaders of Myanmar are not excluded from the deliberations and decisions of the Convention.

4. To immediately convene Parliament and allow the Members of Parliament elected at the last elections to elect a new Prime Minister and government according to prevailing constitutional and parliamentary norms.

5. To immediately begin the process of handing over authority to the legitimately elected Parliament and the Prime Minister and government elected by Parliament.

6. To immediately allow the entry and unimpeded functioning of observer groups from ASEAN and the UN who shall be tasked to ensure that constitutional and civil processes are adhered to.

The Caucus also calls upon the Myanmar Government to respect ASEAN and international opinion and return to the mainstream of responsible international norms and behavior.

We support the role play by UN Rapporteur to Myanmar, Tan Sri Razali Ismail to engage both military junta of Myanmar and NLD and mediate the differences between them, and we will continue to give him the necessary support.

We urge the Malaysian government to continue to play its role to persuade the Myanmar government to face up to regional and international aspirations for democratization and national reconciliation in Myanmar.

--------------------------------

June 11, Inter Press Service via Irrawaddy

Malaysian Caucus Leaves Burma with Limited Choice - Marwaan Macan-Markar

By expressing dissatisfaction with the slow pace of Burma's democratic reforms, a group of Malaysian parliamentarians have indicated that the military regime could cause untold political damage to the international reputation of the region.

The message from Kuala Lumpur to Rangoon this week gives the junta little room to wriggle out of, since the Malaysian parliamentarians have faulted the Burmese regime for failing to abide by both the international and regional norms of human rights and democracy.

The parliamentarians are calling on Rangoon to "respect Asean [the Association of Southeast Asian Nations] and international opinion and return to the mainstream of responsible international norms and behavior,"declared a statement released Tuesday.

The reference to Asean is with reason, since Burma is expected to assume the chairmanship of this regional body in 2006.

"If Myanmar [Burma] has not changed by then, it could prove very embarrassing for Asean, because its partners in the West would not attend the Asean meeting," said Asda Jayanama, aformer Thai diplomat who served in Burma.

"It could even result in the break up of Asean," he added.

According to Sunai Phasuk, the Thai representative of the global rights lobby Human Rights Watch, the message from Malaysia amounts to an open acknowledgement that an unreformed Burma will be a "political liability for the region."

"Asean will run the risk of being branded as a collaborator of a pariah state," he explained during an interview.

What lends weight to the Malaysian appeal is the composition of the lawmakers: they come from both the government and the opposition ranks.

The statement was the first of many measures expected to come from these parliamentarians who formed a bi-partisan committee this week to campaign for democracy in Burma.

This appeal comes shortly after Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi was reported to have told his visiting Burmese counterpart, Prime Minister Gen Khin Nyunt, that "the future is democracy."

Khin Nyunt's visit to Malaysia on June 1 was the first he took to a neighboring country since Burma began its National Convention, to draft a new constitution for the country.

This political exercise, which got under way May 17, is being bandied by the junta as a key feature towards political reform in the country. Over 1,000 delegates chosen by the military government are involved. But the constitutional convention has been deprived of credibility from its inception, since the junta refused to revoke a law that prohibits individual delegates or political parties from criticizing the convention's format.

The junta also denies participants the freedom to conceive a constitution that is an alternative to the one drafted by the military.

The violators of Order 5/96, which includes other harsh restrictions, could face prison terms up to 20 years.

Further, the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, or NLD, is boycotting the event, since its leader, Nobel Peace laureate Aung Saan Suu Kyi is under house arrest along with other members of her party.

Suu Kyi's arrest and the hundreds of political prisoners in Burma have not been lost on the Malaysian parliamentarians either, since they urged the junta to release all political prisoners.

Such a rebuke from Malaysia towards a regional neighbor comes almost a year after former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad lashed out at Rangoon's oppressive policies at last July's Asean summit meeting in Indonesia.

Mahathir, who was the most senior government leader of Asean at that time, even threatened Burma with expulsion from the regional body if it failed to release Suu Kyi, who was arrested after she and her party members were attacked by gangs linked to the junta on May 30.

"Mahathir's criticism and the one made this week stem from the sense of moral obligation Malaysia feels to bring about change in Burma, because it was Malaysia that took the lead to invite Burma to join Asean," said Asada, the Thai diplomat.

And following Burma's entry in 1997, Mahathir took on an added role to shield the Burmese regime from criticism over its notorious human rights record. That was achieved by the Malaysian leader describing Burma's problems as an internal affair, which foreigners should keep out of.

Thereafter, Asean talked of "constructive engagement" polices and "enhanced interaction" as ways it was pursuing to push the junta towards political reform.

Malaysia's level of engagement acquired another characteristic following the appointment of a former Malaysian diplomat, Razali Ismail, as a special envoy of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to initiate political change in Burma.

"Burma's military leaders have regarded their relationship with Malaysia very seriously," said Soe Aung, director of external affairs for the Network for Democracy and Development, a group made up of Burmese political exiles.

"That was reflected in the choice of countries Khin Nyunt visited after the National Convention began,'' said Soe Aung.

-----------------------

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May 27, 2004  UK Parliamentarians support Burma's democracy groups on anniversary of 1990 elections

Leading British Parliamentarians from all the major parties have today sent a strong message of support to the democracy movement in Burma, and a signal to the regime that it should mend its ways.

In a letter signed by more than 25 members from both the House of Commons and the House of Lords, the Parliamentarians recognize the Burmese Members of Parliament elected on May 27 1990 as the legitimate representatives of the Burmese people. They also express their hope that those elected will be able to take their seats and form a government after 14 years of being denied that recognition by the ruling military regime. Those who have signed include Michael Ancram, Shadow Foreign Secretary, on behalf of the Opposition and Oliver Letwin, Shadow Chancellor, Sir Menzies Campbell, Deputy Leader of the Liberal Democrats, and Labor MP Glenda Jackson.

The letter, initiated by Christian Solidarity Worldwide, will be delivered to theNational League for Democracy (NLD), the party led by Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi which won over 80 per cent of the Parliamentary seats in 1990, in Rangoon today, the 14th anniversary of the elections. It will also be read out at a protest outside the Burmese Embassy in Washington, DC organized by the US Campaign for Burma.

The Parliamentarians salute the "dignity, steadfastness and commitment to delivering democracy" of the Burmese democratic parties, and pay tribute to those who died or disappeared in the attack on Aung San Suu Kyi on May 30 last year. "We stand with you in that struggle," they write.

In paragraphs directed at the junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), which disregarded the results of the 1990 elections and imprisoned most of the victors, the British politicians urge the regime "to enter into tripartite dialogue with the NLD and the ethnic national groups, including the Karen, Karenni, Shan, Mon, Chin, Kachin and Arakan, to pave the way for a transition to a democratic, federal system of government." They also call for a nationwide ceasefire and an end to the "gross human rights abuses which amount to crimes against humanity". They call on the regime to open all of Burma to international human rights monitors and humanitarian relief agencies.

The full text of the letter can be found below.

In a related move, Baroness Cox introduced a debate in the House of Lords on Tuesday, focused on the persecution of the ethnic nationals. Baroness Cox, Honorary President of CSW-UK,has visited the Karen, Karenni and Shan refugees and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) on the Thai-Burmese border many times, most recently with Shadow International Development Secretary John Bercow MP last month. In April, she visited the Chin and Kachin refugees on the India-Burma border.

In her speech in the House of Lords, Baroness Cox gave evidence of continuing and widespread human rights violations, including forced labor, rape and religious persecution, and called on the UK Government to urge the European Union to impose tougher sanctions on the regime. She also urged the UK to provide humanitarian relief to the over one million Internally Displaced Persons trapped in the jungles of Burma, without adequate food, medicine or shelter, and called for a nationwide ceasefire in Burma.

Baroness Cox said: "We owe it to any people suffering such atrocities to do everything in our power to help them. However, ethnic national groups such as the Karen, the Karenni, the Chin and the Kachin have a historic relationship with us - fighting alongside our soldiers and sometimes giving their lives for them. Therefore, they hope that we will not forget their loyalty or let them down now in their hour of need. I hope that this debate will reassure those people of our loyalty to them and our commitment now to do everything possible to ensure they achieve the freedom, peace and justice that they desire so passionately and for which they are paying such a high price."

NOTES TO EDITORS:

Burma (officially called Myanmar)has been ruled by a military regime which took power in a coup in 1962. Elections were held on May 27, 1990, and the National League for Democracy (NLD) won over 80 percent of the parliamentary seats. However, the military ignored the results, imprisoned many of the victors and continued to rule, changing its name to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). More than 1,400 political prisoners remain behind bars.

The regime's actions have completely failed to match its rhetoric about democracy. On May 7, for example, five Burmese were sentenced to long prison terms, accused of contact with unlawful associations in exile, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma). The five, sentenced at a special court inside Insein Prison, included former political prisoner U Ne Min, who had already endured several years in jail. U Ne Min was sentenced to 15 years, Maung Maung Latt and Paw Lwin to 12 years each, Ye Thiha to seven years and Ne Lin Aung (aka Yan Naing) to 22 years. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) has appealed to the International Committee of the Red Cross to take urgent action in the case of political prisoner Ne Lin Soe, serving a 14-year prison term in Mandalay prison. Ne Lin Soe's health is believed to be seriously at risk, and he has been denied adequate health care.

Burma has been ranked by Reporters Without Borders 164th out of 166 countries for press freedom.

On May 30th, 2003 Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters were attacked by mobs in Depayin, orchestrated by the SPDC. She was detained and then placed under house arrest again. At least 265 people were arrested, killed or disappeared during the attack and the ensuing crackdown.

The SPDC's 'roadmap to democracy' and the National Conventionwere announced on August 30, 2003 in response to international pressure in the wake of the attacks on May 30. The NLD and most ethnic groups have boycotted the National Convention because the junta refused to release Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD vice-chairman U Tin U.

CSW has visited the Thai-Burmese border areas many times in the past 15 years. Last month, CSW took John Bercow MP, Shadow International Development Secretary, to the Thai-Burmese border, and in April CSW visited the Chin and Kachin people on the India-Burma border.

LETTER FROM UK PARLIAMENTARIANS

May 27, 2004

To the elected Members of Parliament of Burma, including those representing the National League for Democracy (NLD) and other pro-democracy and ethnic national groups:

Dear Fellow Parliamentarians,

As Members of the UK Parliament, from both the House of Commons and the House of Lords, we write to members from the National League for Democracy

(NLD) and other political parties in Burma who were elected as Members of Parliament on May 27, 1990, to express our deep respect for you. We recognise you as the legitimate representatives of the people, and we express our hope that it will not be long before you will be able to take up your rightful positions in Parliament and Government. We salute you for your dignity, steadfastness and commitment to delivering democracy to your country, and we stand with you in that struggle.

Furthermore, we pay tribute to those who sacrificed their lives or have been detained or have disappeared in the events surrounding the May 30, 2003 attack on Nobel Laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. One year on from the terrible attack in Depayin, we urge the regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), to release all those still in detention, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and all other political prisoners still behind bars.

We also urge the SPDC to enter into tripartite dialogue with the NLD and the ethnic national groups, including the Karen, Karenni, Shan, Mon, Chin, Kachin and Arakan, to pave the way for a transition to a democratic, federal system of government.

We urge the SPDC to declare a nationwide ceasefire, and to withdraw SPDC troops from the ethnic areas, and disarm affiliated militia groups. It is time that the decades of conflict, and the catalogue of gross human rights abuses which amount to crimes against humanity, including killings, widespread systematic rape, torture, forced relocation, forced labour, the use of child soldiers and human minesweepers, and the destruction of villages and crops, be brought to an end.

We urge the SPDC to open all of Burma to international human rights monitors and humanitarian relief agencies, and in particular to enable relief to be distributed to the hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people.

As Members of Parliament, we offer our support to all efforts to bring democracy, freedom, the rule of law, peace and justice to Burma. If the SPDC shows meaningful progress towards reform, we would encourage such efforts and offer whatever support we can for a peaceful transition to democracy and reconciliation, and to welcome Burma back into the international fold. If, however, the SPDC continues to reject reform, it can only expect further international pressure to come.

Yours respectfully,

HOUSE OF COMMONS

The Rt Hon Michael Ancram, MP - Conservative; Deputy Leader of the Opposition & Shadow Foreign Secretary (on behalf of the Shadow Cabinet) David Atkinson MP - Conservative Vera Baird MP - Labour; Chair, All-Party Parliamentary Group for Democracy in Burma Joe Benton MP - Labour John Bercow MP - Conservative; Shadow Secretary of State for International Development Peter Bottomley MP - Conservative The Rt Hon Sir Menzies Campbell MP - Liberal Democrat; Deputy Leader & Foreign Affairs Spokesman Hilton Dawson MP - Labour David Drew MP - Labour Glenda Jackson MP - Labour Andy King MP - Labour The Rt Hon Oliver Letwin MP - Conservative; Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer Ian Luke MP - Labour; Secretary, All-Party Parliamentary Group for Democracy in Burma The Rt Hon Peter Lilley MP - Conservative; Former Deputy Leader of the Opposition Andrew MacKinlay MP - Labour Michael Moore MP - Liberal Democrat John Pugh MP - Liberal Democrat; Vice-Chair, All Party Parliamentary Group for Democracy in Burma Rev. Martin Smyth MP - Ulster Unionist Party Gary Streeter MP - Conservative; Foreign Affairs Spokesman Andrew Selous MP - Conservative Dr. Robert Spink MP - Conservative; Vice-Chair, All-Party Parliamentary Group for Democracy in Burma Robert Walter MP - Conservative Steve Webb MP - Liberal Democrat

HOUSE OF LORDS

The Lord Alton of Liverpool - Independent

The Lord Avebury - Liberal Democrat

The Lord Chan of Oxton - Independent

The Baroness Cox of Queensbury - Conservative

The Lord Faulkner of Worcester - Labour

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Parliamentarians from United Kingdom

Letter from UK Parliamentarians to the Malaysian MPs.

To the Pro-Democracy Myanmar MPs' Caucus of the Malaysian Parliament

Parliament House

Kuala Lumpur

11th June, 2004

Dear Fellow Parliamentarians,

We are writing to thank you for your statement of 8th June, and to express our unreserved agreement and support for your efforts.

In your statement, you called on Burma's State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) to carry out the following measures to restore the democratic rights of the people of Burma:

1. To immediately and unconditionally release the leader of the National League for Democracy (NLD), Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest.

2. To immediately and unconditionally release all political detainees including all the Members of Parliament elected at the last General Elections.

3. To immediately and unconditionally allow the leaders of the NLD to participate in the Myanmar National Constitutional Convention so as to ensure that legitimately elected leaders of Myanmar are not excluded from the deliberations and decisions of the Convention.

4. To immediately convene Parliament and allow the Members of Parliament elected in 1990 to elect a new Prime Minister and government according to prevailing constitutional and parliamentary norms.

5. To immediately begin the process of handing over authority to the legitimately elected Parliament and the Prime Minister and government elected by Parliament.

6. To immediately allow the entry and unimpeded functioning of observer groups from ASEAN and the UN who shall be tasked to ensure that constitutional and civil processes are adhered to.

You also called upon the SPDC in Burma to respect the opinions expressed by the international community, including ASEAN, and "return to the mainstream of responsible international norms and behavior", and you urged the Government of Malaysia to continue to work to persuade the SPDC to face up to regional and international aspirations for democratization and national reconciliation in Burma.

We entirely share your objectives and endorse your statement. We would further add an appeal to ASEAN nations to consider the evidence of gross violations of human rights in Burma, including the widespread, systematic use of rape, forced labour, forced relocation, child soldiers and human minesweepers, and the extrajudicial killings, destruction of villages and crops that takes place consistently in the ethnic states, particularly Karen, Karenni, Mon, Shan, Arakan, Chin and Kachin areas, and the allegations of torture in Burma's prisons. These have been well documented in reports such as Shattering Silences (Karen Women's Organisation, 2004); No Safe Place (Refugees International, 2003); Licence to Rape (Shan Women's Action Network and Shan Human Rights Foundation, 2002); My Gun Was As Tall As Me (Human Rights Watch, 2003); Spirit for Survival (Assistance Association for Political Prisoners - Burma, 2001); Arrested (ALTSEAN Burma, 1 April-30 June 2003); Flight, Hunger and Survival (Karen Human Rights Group, October 2001); Easy Targets: The Persecution of Muslims in Burma (Karen Human Rights Group, May 2002); and in numerous reports by the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the United Nations and human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, Christian Solidarity Worldwide and the Jubilee Campaign. We would request ASEAN to provide a response to these and other reports.

We understand that consideration is being given to visiting Burma on a fact-finding mission andyou will attempt to meet with all parties, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, National League for Democracy members, and high-ranking officials of the SPDC. We believe that such a mission could provide valuable insights and information to the world community on developments (or lack thereof) in Burma.

Moreover, we are also deeply concerned and alarmed at religious persecution committed by SPDC authorities against Muslim clerics, Buddhist monks, and Christian church leaders. We deplore acts of violence and intimidation against all religious officials and their followers.

Furthermore, we would also urge you to note the request by Asian supporters of democracy and human rights in Burma, detailed in the Declaration of the Regional Strategy Meeting on Burma, that ASEAN consider disqualifying the SPDC from chairing ASEAN in 2006 unless irreversible steps are taken to promote national reconciliation, political and economic reforms. We would hope that disqualification would also lead to suspension of Burma's ASEAN membership. We support this request.

As Burma's democracy leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, prepares to celebrate her 59th birthday on June 19th under house arrest, we extend to her our solidarity and support, and appeal to the SPDC to release her and all prisoners of conscience currently in detention, and to bring an end to the barbaric oppression and persecution of the ethnic national groups. We thank you, and your colleagues around Asia for your efforts, and we stand with you in this struggle.

Yours sincerely,

David Amess MP Conservative

Andy Reed MP Labour

The Lord Chan of Oxton Independent Cross-Bencher

The Lord Clarke of Hampstead Labour

The Baroness Cox of Queensbury Independent Cross-Bencher

The Lord Faulkner of Worcester Labour

The Lord Taylor of Warwick Conservative  et al.

- Asian Tribune -

------------------------------------

CS Wire

Aug. 20, 2003

08/20/2003:Press Release from Burma Campaign UKhttp://www.burmacampaign.org.uk

'Dirty List' Exposes Companies Supporting Regime in Burma

The Burma Campaign UK today publishes an updated version of its 'Dirty

List' of companies whose operations are directly or indirectly helping

to finance the military dictatorship in Burma.

(CSRwire) LONDON - Advertising giant WPP, Ernst & Young, P&O Cruises,

Deutsche Post, and Hutchison Whampoa subsidiaries Superdrug and 3

Mobile have all been added to the Burma Campaign's'Dirty List'.

They join British American Tobacco (BAT), Suzuki, Total Oil,

construction firm Kajima, Lonely Planet, Austrian Airlines,

PriceWaterhouseCoopers, Daewoo, and Orient Express.

"The 'Dirty List' exposes companies who are directly or indirectly

helping to finance one of the most brutal regimes in the world," said

John Jackson, Director of Burma Campaign UK. "Foreign investment and

trade can benefit developing countries, but in Burma it helps finance

a regime that uses rape, torture and murder to oppress its ownpeople."

WPP's successful takeover of Cordiant Communications means they now

have a subsidiary in Burma - Bates Myanmar. Ernst & Young have a

partner in Burma. P&O Cruises have merged with Carnival Corporation,

which operates cruises to Burma. Deutsche Post subsidiary DHL has a

subsidiary in Burma which is a joint venture with the regime.

Superdrug and 3 mobile join the 'Dirty List' as subsidiaries of

Hutchison Whampoa, which operates a port in Burma.

Gary Player Design, owned by golf legend Gary Player, Intrepid Travel,

PanMacmillan, and Noble Caledonia are other new additions to the list.

The list mainly targets British companies or companies with a

significant presence in Britain. A total of 78 are named and shamed.

An updated 'Clean List' of companies who have pulled out or have

policies not to trade with Burma is also released today. These include

Premier Oil, Kuoni, M&S, Next, Levi's, Texaco and Triumph International.

"Most companies will not get involved with Burma because of the

ethical issues involved," says John Jackson. "It is significant that

even without investment sanctions only two FTSE 100 companies, BAT and

WPP, have any significant involvement in Burma." In July the British

government asked BAT to pull out of Burma.

The travel industry dominates the list, with 26 travel companies

operating tours to Burma and 12 companies publishing guides that

encourage people to visit the country. There is a tourist boycott of

Burma as tourism is an important source of income for the regime, and

much tourist infrastructure has been built using slave labour and

child labour. The Burma Campaign UK is currently calling for a boycott

of Lonely Planet as it publishes a guide to Burma.

The list is intended as a resource for investors and campaigners.

Campaign action sheets for each of the companies are available on the

Burma Campaign UKwebsite: www.burmacampaign.org.uk.

For more information and a word version of the Dirty List, contact

Mark Farmaner, Media Officer, on 020 7281 7377, mobile 07941 239 640.

THE 'DIRTY LIST' FOLLOWS.

COMPANIES SUPPORTING THE REGIME IN BURMA

'THE DIRTY LIST'

INTRODUCTION

Burma is a country ruled by one of the longest running and most brutal

military dictatorships in the world; a dictatorship charged by the

United Nations with a "crime against humanity" for its systematic

abuses of human rights, and condemned internationally for refusing to

transfer power to the legally elected Government of the country - the

party led by Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

In May 2003 a pro government militia attacked a convoy Aung San Suu

Kyi was travelling in. Up to one hundred of her supporters were

massacred. Aung San Suu Kyi escaped the attack, but was arrested by

the regime. She remains under arrest, her whereabouts unknown.

In response to calls from Burma's democracy movement, the Burma

Campaign UK and other campaign groups around the world have been

pressuring companies to sever business ties with Burma. Whereas in

many developing countries foreign investment and trade can benefit the

poor, in Burma it has the opposite effect. Instead it funds a brutal

dictatorship, helping it to cling on to power.

The European Parliament, the British government, Burma's democrats,

the US government and many other bodies and institutions recognise the

role investment plays in strengthening Burma's regime. The British

government actively discourages trade and investment in Burma and has

called on companies to pull out. In July 2003 it asked British

American Tobacco to pull out of Burma.

Concern about the role foreign investment plays in perpetuating the

brutal regime is also widespread in the private sector. In December

2001 European investment funds managing over £400bn in assets issued a

groundbreaking statement of concern about companies investing in Burma.

Over the last five years a large number of foreign companies have

withdrawn from the country. The reasons cited for doing so include:

difficulties in working with the regime, consumer boycotts, damage to

company reputation and incompatibility with corporate values. These

companies now include amongst others: Texaco, Adidas, Kuoni, Premier

Oil, Triumph International, Levi Strauss, PepsiCo, Erickson, Heineken,Carlsberg,

British Home Stores, Burton, River Island, Apple, Reebok and Compaq.

Companies remaining in Burma often attempt to justify their

involvement by claiming that pulling out would harm ordinary Burmese

people. Aung San Suu Kyi disputes this. Two days after her release

from house arrest in May 2002, Aung San Suu Kyi stated "I don't think

we have found evidence that sanctions have harmed the Burmese people,

because they have been clearly limited and many of those who have

suffered under sanctions have belonged to the business community.

Naturally some ordinary employees have been exposed, but we have not

yet found proof that large numbers of Burmese have suffered as a

result of sanctions. Sanctions have a role to play because they are a

strong political message. But also because they are an economic message."

Companies are attracted to Burma by wages as low as 17p a day, a

compliant workforce where unions are banned, and limited health and safety

laws which in any case are rarely enforced. The minimum working age is 13.

This list of companies supporting the regime in Burma (The Dirty List)

mainly consists of British companies or foreign companies with a

significant presence in Britain. It lists companies whose involvement

in Burma provides financial or other support to the regime.

Subsidiaries or parent companies of companies on the dirty list are

automatically included on the 'Dirty List'. This 'Dirty List' is not a

definitive list of every single company which operates in Burma. The

Burma Campaign UKis not calling for a total trade boycott of Burma.

We are calling for targeted sanctions which will cut the economic

lifeline to the regime. We believe companies on this list are directly

or indirectly helping to keep the regime in power.

This list is for use by campaigners, investment funds and individual

investors. Many people will not wish to purchase products from

companies linked with the regime in Burma. At present the Burma

Campaign UK is co-ordinating boycott campaigns targeting Lonely Planet

and tourism to Burma. We are not actively co-ordinating boycotts of

all the companies on this dirty list, however we welcome people

contacting these companies urging them to pull out. Action sheets are

available at www.burmacampaign.org.uk.

We have also published a 'Clean List' of companies that have taken

principled decisions not to operate in Burma, or that have pulled out

in response to campaigns.

The Burma Campaign UK welcomes suggestions for additions to the Dirty

List that we may have neglected to include.

ADVENTURES ABROAD

Adventures Abroad is a travel tour operator which organises and

promotes holidays to Burma. Its latest guide calls Burma a "hidden

jewel" with "so much to see". No mention is made of the military

dictatorship. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma

because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and

child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

AIRPHOTO INTERNATIONAL LTD/ODYSSEY GUIDES

Airphoto is a Chinese based publishing company that produces guides to

Burma as part of its Odyssey Guide range. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked

tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives

it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many

tourist facilities.

ALEXANDER ROSE

Alexander Rose is a garden furniture company based in West Sussex and

describes itself as a 'market leader'. It is involved in every stage

of the manufacture of its furniture, from selecting the timber

onwards. Burma is one of the countries it manufactures its furniture

in. Timber exports are an important source of revenue for the regime.

ANDREW BROCK TRAVEL

Andrew Brock Travel is a tour operator that organises tours to Burma.

Andrew Brock has dismissed requests to stop selling holidays to Burma,

but said he would support armed intervention. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked

tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives

it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

AON CORPORATION

Aon Corporation is a global risk management, reinsurance and

consulting company. Its head office is in the USA. Aon has two offices

in Burma. It operates a reinsurance business based on contracts

awarded by Myanmar Insurance, a company owned and controlled by the

military regime.

AUDLEY TRAVEL

Audley Travel is a travel company that organises tours to Burma. It

also promotes holidays to Burma in national newspapers, including the

Sunday Telegraph, The Times, The Guardian and The Observer. Aung San

Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund

the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used

to develop many tourist facilities.

AUSTRIAN AIRLINES/LAUDA AIR

Lauda Air is part of Austrian Airlines. In November 2002 Lauda began

direct flights to Burma. Lauda expect the service to be used by

tourists and business travellers. Lauda is also promoting Burma as a

holiday destination. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit

Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced

and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

BALES WORLDWIDE

Bales Worldwide is a travel company that organises tours to Burma. Its

2003 brochure promotes holidays to what it calls "the Golden Land".

Although the brochure admits there are 'conflicting views' on whether

tourists should visit Burma, it argues in favour of tourism. Aung San

Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund

the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used

to develop many tourist facilities.

BRANDTEX

Brandtex is a Danish clothing company with retail outlets across

Europe. It also sells clothing in the UK through small retailers.

Documents released by the Norwegian government reveal Brandtex sources

clothing from Burma. Clothing exports are an important source of

income for the regime.

BRITISH AMERICAN TOBACCO (BAT)

BAT is one of the most important UK investors in Burma. Its Burmese

subsidiary - Rothmans of Pall Mall Myanmar - is a joint venture with

the military regime. In 1996 the industrial zone where the factory is

located was upgraded using child labour. Factory workers are paid as

little as 17p a day. The factory earns the regime around $400,000 a

year in profits and has paid it an estimated additional $16m in taxes.

CARNIVAL/P&O

Carnival Corporation merged with P&O Cruises in April 2003. The

combined company owns cruise lines P&O Cruises, Cunard, Costa,

Windstar, Holland America and Seabourn. Seabourn operates cruises

which visit Burma. Brochures make no mention of the military

dictatorship. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma

because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and

child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

CHAMPION TIMBER

Champion Timber is a Timber merchant that sources teak from Burma.

Timber exports are an important source of income for Burma's

dictatorship.

CROWN RELOCATIONS

Crown Relocations is a Hong Kong based company with offices in the UK.

It is employed by governments, corporations and non-government

agencies to arrange relocation of staff when they need to work

overseas. Crown has an office in Burma which facilitates the transfer

of expat staff employed by foreign investors in Burma. Crown strongly

defends foreign investment in Burma.

DAEWOO INTERNATIONAL CORPORATION

Daewoo is a South Korean conglomerate with interests ranging from oil

and gas, to grain, televisions and cars. It is a partner in the Bay of

Bengal gas exploration project in Burma which is expected to reveal

reserves valued at $100 million. Daewoo Motors also has a car assembly

plant which is a joint venture with Myanmar Automobile and Diesel

Industries (MADI). MADI is owned and controlled by the regime. It also

has timber manufacturing and clothing interests in Burma.

DIETHELM KELLER GROUP/STA TRAVEL

Diethelm Keller Group is a private Swiss company with a wide range of

investments, including Diethelm Travel, which operates holiday tours

to Burma. Diethelm boasts that it pioneered tourism to Burma. Diethelm

also own STA travel. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit

Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced

and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

DEUTSCHE POST/DHL

Deutsche Post own DHL, a global parcel delivery service. They have a

subsidiary in Burma that is a joint venture with the military regime.

The DHL website has "information that may be of interest to you when

doing business with Myanmar."

EASTRAVEL

Eastravel is a UK travel company offering tours to Burma. Aung San Suu

Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the

regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to

develop many tourist facilities.

EDEN FURNITURE

Eden Furniture is a garden furniture manufacturer that sources timber

from Burma. Timber exports are an important source of income for

Burma's dictatorship.

ERNST & YOUNG

Ernst & Young are a global financial services group providing

accountancy and financial advice to businesses. Ernst & Young have an

associated firm in Burma, U Tin Win Group.

EXPLORERS TOURS

Explorers Tours organise diving holidays to Burma. Their 2002/2003

brochure offers two diving trips. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists

not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy.

Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

FODOR'S

Fodor's are an American publishing company that specialises in travel

guides. Their South East Asia guide includes a section on Burma which

helps facilitate tourism to the country. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked

tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives

it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many

tourist facilities.

FRESHFIELD BRUCKHAUS DERINGER

Freshfield Bruckhaus Deringer is an international business law firm.

They advise Malaysian oil company Petronas on its Yetagun gas pipeline

which exports gas from Burma.

FROMMER'S GUIDEBOOKS/WILEY PUBLISHING

Wiley Publishing owns Frommers, a publisher specialising in

Guidebooks. Its South East Asia guidebook includes a section on Burma,

which helps facilitate tourism to the country. Aung San Suu Kyi has

asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and

gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many

tourist facilities.

GARY PLAYER DESIGN

Gary Player Design is a golf course design company run by golf legend

Gary Player. His company designed the Pun Hlaing golf course in Burma.

The regime in Burma promotes golf in Burma as they hope it will

attract more tourists. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to

visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy.

Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

HIGHBURY HOUSE COMMUNICATIONS/PARAGON PUBLISHING

Highbury House Communications is a UK publishing company. Highbury

produce a wide range of publications including trade and retail

magazines and CNN traveller magazine for CNN. Highbury House purchased

Paragon Publishing in July 2003. They also own Columbus Travel

Publishing, which produces a travel website www.travel-guide.com. This

website includes a guide to Burma. Columbus also supply content

promoting holidays to Burma to other websites, such as expedia.co.uk.

Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it

helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour

was used to develop many tourist facilities.

HUNTER PUBLISHING/NELLES GUIDES

Hunter Publishing is an American publishing company that produces a

guide to Burma under its Nelles Guide imprint. Aung San Suu Kyi has

asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and

gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many

tourist facilities.

HUTCHISON WHAMPOA LTD/ 3 MOBILE/ SUPERDRUG

Hutchison Whampoa Ltd is a Hong Kong based company with a wide range

of investments around the world. In Burma it operates Myanmar

International Terminals Thilawa (MITT), a major port in Burma. It

describes these port terminals as "strategically positioned to

facilitate and service Myanmar's international trade." In the UK

Hutchison owns, Superdrug, three major ports - Felixstowe, Harwich

International and Thamesport, a majority stake in 3 Mobile, and has

major stakes in luxury property developments such as Royal Gate in

Kensington, Belgravia Place near Sloane Square and Albion Wharf in

Chelsea.

INSIGHT GUIDES

Insight Guides is an independent company that produce holiday guides,

including a guide to Burma which promotes tourism to the country. Aung

San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps

fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was

used to develop many tourist facilities.

INTREPID TRAVEL

Intrepid Travel is an Australian tour operator with offices in the UK,

USA and Canada. Intrepid decided to pull out of Burma in 1999 because

of concerns about tourism supporting the regime. In July 2002 Intrepid

decided to return to Burma, using the excuse of Aung San Suu Kyi's

release from house arrest, even though she has stated since her

release that nothing had changed in Burma and pressure should not be

relaxed. Aung San Suu Kyi is now back under arrest, but Intrepid

continue to operate tours to Burma.

IVANHOE

Ivanhoe is a Canadian mining company with very close links to the

regime in Burma. As the largest foreign mining investor in Burma it

operates the Monywa Copper mine in a joint venture with the regime.

Rail and power infrastructure in the area of the mine was built using

forced labour.

JAPAN AIRLINES/NIKKO HOTELS INTERNATIONAL

Nikko Hotels International, a subsidiary of Japan Airlines, owns

hotels all over the world. In Burma Nikko operate the Hotel Nikko

Royal Lake Yangon. In the UK they own the Montcalm-Hotel Nikko London.

KAJIMA

Kajima is a Japanese construction company with contracts all over the

world. Kajima has an office in Burma and has undertaken several

construction contracts for the regime. In the UK Kajima has won

contracts from North Tyneside and Cambridge Councils.

KIRCODAN FURNITURE

Kircodan is a Danish furniture manufacturer that sources timber from

Burma. Kircodans furniture is sold in the UK. Timber exports are an

important source of income for Burma's dictatorship.

LEEWARD CAPITAL CORP

Leeward Capital Corp are a Canadian mining company. They are in a

joint venture with the regime to mine and export amber.

LET'S GO/PAN MACMILLAN

Let's Go are an American publisher of travel guides. Pan Macmillan

publishes the Let's Go series in the UK. The Let's Go South East Asia

guide includes a section on Burma which helps facilitate tourism to

the country. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma

because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and

child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

LION MINING FINANCE

Lion Mining Finance is a British company. In late 2002 it submitted a

bid to the military regime to explore for platinum in Kachin State.

LISTER

Lister is a garden furniture manufacturer based in Sussex. It sources teak

from Burma. Timber exports are an important source of income forthe regime.

LONELY PLANET

Lonely Planet is an Australian based travel guide publishing company

with offices in France, UK and USA. Lonely Planet publish a guide to

Burma which encourages tourists to visit the country. This publishing

company believes Burma's elected democracy movement is wrong to ask

tourists to stay away. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to

visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy.

Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

MAGIC OF THE ORIENT

Magic of the Orient is a travel company that organise tours to Burma.

Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it

helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour

was used to develop many tourist facilities.

MARSHALLS TRAVEL

Marshalls Travel is a Jersey based holiday company that operates tours

to Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma

because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and

child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

MARUBENI

Marubeni is a Japanese company with interests ranging from oil and gas

to clothing and timber. In Burma they helped finance the Monywa Copper

mine developed by Ivanhoe. In the UK Marubeni develops oil and gas

reserves in the North Sea.

MEKONG TRAVEL

Mekong Travel is a travel company based in Buckinghamshire which

specialise in holidays to Indochina, including Burma. On their website

they describe how decades of isolation as a result of military

dictatorship "have preserved here many of the traditional features,

physical and cultural, which have been lost in other Asian countries."

Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it

helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour

was used to develop many tourist facilities.

MITSUI & CO LTD

Mitsui is a Japanese conglomerate with interests ranging from metals

and mining to electronic goods, clothes and chemicals. It is a joint

venture partner with the Burmese government in the Mingaladon

Industrial Park, which was set up to attract foreign investors to Burma.

MOON HANDBOOKS/AVALON TRAVEL

Moon Handbooks are published by Avalon Travel, an American publishing

company. Moon Handbooks South East Asia guide includes a section on

Burma which helps facilitate tourism to the country. Aung San Suu Kyi

has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime

and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop

many tourist facilities.

MOUNTAIN TRAVEL SOBEK

Mountain Travel Sobek is an adventure travel company with offices in

the US and UK. They operate tours to Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked

tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it

legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

NEW HORIZONS TRAVELS AND TOURS LTD

New Horizons Travels and Tours is a London based company that organise

holidays to Burma. They promote them through their website

burmaexpeditions.com. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit

Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced

and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

NIPPON OIL

Japanese oil firm Nippon Oil are one of the joint venture partners

developing the Yadana offshore gas field in Burma, which is expected

to earn the military regime millions of dollars.

NOBLE CALEDONIA

Noble Caledonia is a British holiday cruise company offering cruises

all over the world. They operate a cruise on the Irrawaddy River in

Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because

it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child

labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

NORTON ROSE

Norton Rose is a major international law firm with its main office in

the City of London. Through its office in Singapore Norton Rose has

worked for many investors and companies operating in Burma.

ORACLE ENERGY GROUP

Oracle Energy Group is a Canadian oil and gas exploration company. It

is managed by teams in the UK and Canada. In February 2002 the company

announced it had won a contract with the military dictatorship in

Burma to conduct a review of potential oil and gas reserves in the country.

PEREGRINE ADVENTURES

Peregrine Adventures is an Australian travel company with an office in

London. Peregrine offer 12 day tours of Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi has

asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and

gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many

tourist facilities.

PETRONAS

Petronas is a Malaysian state owned oil and gas company. It has

several contracts with the regime in Burma to extract and explore for

oil and gas in the country.

PETTITTS

Pettitts is a travel company based in Kent. They offer a 9 day tour of

Burma. They are one of the few travel companies to mention that there

are ethical problems with visiting Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked

tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives

it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many

tourist facilities.

PINAULT-PRINTEMPS-REDOUTE (PPR)/LA REDOUTE/GUCCI GROUP

PPR own La Redoute, a French clothing company with a growing presence

in the UK catalogue market. La Redoute source clothes from Burma. PPR

are also the majority shareholder in Gucci, which in turn owns Yves Saint

Laurent Clothing Exports are an important source of income for the regime.

PRICEWATERHOUSECOOPERS (PwC)

PwC have a partner in Burma, PricewaterhouseCoopers Hla Tun

Consultants Ltd, to which they refer clients wanting business advice

in Burma. A member of the PwC network is a part owner of Hla Tun.

THE RAILWAY TOURING COMPANY

The Railway Touring Company offers tours of Burma by steam trains

hired from the regime. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to

visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy.

Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

RESULT

Result is a UK clothing manufacturer which sources clothes from Burma.

Garment exports are an important source of income for the regime.

SCANSIA SDN BHD

Scansia Sdn Bhd is a Malaysian company. Scanisa Myanmar manufactures

garden furniture in a plant in Rangoon. All its timber is purchased

from the regime owned company Myanmar Timber Enterprise (MTE). The

furniture is exported to the UK, Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Japan.

SCHLUMBERGER

Schlumberger is an American technology company which operate all over

the world. Schlumberger Oilfield Services operates an oil rig in

Burma. It also operates oil rigs in UK waters in the North Sea.

SEA CONTAINERS/ORIENT EXPRESS

Orient Express is a subsidiary of Sea Containers. It offers holidays

to Burma including cruises on the Irrawaddy river. Its promotional

material makes no mention of the regime or that tourists have been

asked to stay away. Sea containers also own GNER railways, Hoverspeed,

and Folkestone Port. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit

Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced

and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

SILVERBIRD TRAVEL

Silverbird Travel is a London based travel company that operates tours

to Burma. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma

because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and

child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

SRI ASIA TOURISM SERVICE

Sri Asia Tourism service is a Burmese travel company offering holidays

to Burma through offices in the UK and Australia. Aung San Suu Kyi has

asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and

gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many

tourist facilities.

STEPPES TRAVEL/STEPPES EAST

Steppes East is a UK travel company offering holidays to Burma. Tours

cost more than £2,000 and last up to 20 days. They continue to operate

tours to the country despite Nicholas A G Laing of Steppes East

admitting to the Burma Campaign UK that: "Myanmar is a highly

controversial subject which I have yet to fathom." Aung San Suu Kyi

has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime

and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop

many tourist facilities.

SUMITOMO CORPORATION

Sumitomo Corporation is a Japanese conglomerate with extensive

financial interests in the UK. Sumitomo are in a joint venture with

Myanmar General and Maintenance Industries (MGMI) producing steel.

MGMI are owned and controlled by the military regime.

SUZUKI

Suzuki's main business is the manufacture of cars and motorbikes. In

1998 Suzuki invested $6.9 million to set up a joint venture with

Myanmar Automobile & Diesel Engine Industries (MADI). MADI is

controlled by the military regime. Suzuki owns 60% of the business,

MADI 30% with the remaining 10% split between two Burmese companies

with close government links. The factory has around 40 Burmese

employees.

TENNYSON TRAVEL

Tennyson Travel is a UK travel company that trades under the name

Visit Vietnam. As well as tours to Vietnam it also operates tours to

Burma which it advertises in national newspapers. Aung San Suu Kyi has

asked tourists not to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives

it legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

TERI WALTER

Teri Walter is a furniture design company based in Cornwall, UK. It

sources timber from Burma for its furniture. Timber exports are an

important source of income for Burma's dictatorship.

TAIGA CONSULTANTS LTD

Taiga Consultant Ltd are a Canadian geological consulting firm. Taiga

has an office in Burma and works closely with the regime exploring for

base and precious metals.

TIMBMET

Timbmet is a UK timber company which sources teak from Burma. Timber

exports are an important source of income for the regime.

TOTAL

Total is a French oil company which is in a joint venture with the

military regime developing an offshore gas field in the Andaman sea.

The gas is exported to Thailand through a pipeline that travels 65

kilometres through Burma. Total is one of the biggest foreign

investors in Burma.

TRAILBLAZER GUIDES

Trailblazer Guides publish a guide to South East Asia that includes a

section on Burma. This section facilitates tourism to the country.

Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it

helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour

was used to develop many tourist facilities.

TRANS INDUS LTD

Trans Indus is a British holiday company that operates tours to Burma.

Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to visit Burma because it

helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy. Forced and child labour

was used to develop many tourist facilities.

TRAVEL WORLD MEDIA LTD

Travel World Media is a Gloucester based company that own

ElephantGuide.com, a website which publishes guides to Burma promoting

holidays to the country. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to

visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy.

Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

UNOCAL

US oil firm Unocal is one of the joint venture partners developing the

Yadana offshore gas field in Burma, which is expected to earn the

military regime millions of dollars.

UTOPIA TOURS

Utopia Tours is a travel company based in Thailand which specialises

in holidays for gays and lesbians. It advertises tours to Burma in Gay

and Lesbian media in the UK. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not

to visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it

legitimacy. Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist

facilities.

WILLIS GROUP HOLDINGS

Willis Group Holdings is a global insurance broker. The Federation of

Trade Unions - Burma reports that through its Singapore office Willis

provide insurance cover for companies investing in Burma.

WORLDWIDE JOURNEYS & EXPEDITIONS

Worldwide Journeys is a UK tour operator offering tours to Burma.

Describing Burma as "an extraordinary country", no mention is made of

the military dictatorship. Aung San Suu Kyi has asked tourists not to

visit Burma because it helps fund the regime and gives it legitimacy.

Forced and child labour was used to develop many tourist facilities.

WPP/CORDIANT COMMUNICATIONS

WPP is one of the largest advertising companies in the world. WPP owns

Cordiant Communications, which in turn owns the global advertising

company Bates Group, which has a subsidiary in Burma. Bates Myanmar

has handled advertising contracts for many foreign investors in Burma,

including joint ventures with the regime such as BAT's subsidiary,

Rothmans of Pall Mall Myanmar.

Visit Corporate Social Profile for Burma Campaign UK